Quando foi que a inscrição de mensagens em bombas aconteceu pela primeira vez?

Quando foi que a inscrição de mensagens em bombas aconteceu pela primeira vez?

Gostaria de saber quando e por que as mensagens escritas em bombas apareceram pela primeira vez. Em particular, se apenas os membros da tripulação dos EUA o usassem durante as operações na guerra.


Isso era feito desde os tempos antigos, e a prática simplesmente continuou.

Os romanos costumavam colocar pequenos insultos espirituosos nas pedras de funda, para adicionar alguma mordida extra quando usadas contra o inimigo.

Fonte

Algumas dessas piadas eram inócuas

Esteja bem alojado
Para o traseiro de Pompeu

E alguns foram mais explícitos.

Assisti a um programa de TV em que o apresentador traduziu alguns insultos bem escolhidos.

Mas, basicamente, esse envio de mensagens ao inimigo sempre aconteceu. Os soldados se cansam de afiar espadas, então deixe sua imaginação correr solta no interesse de elevar o moral inventando piadas mais rudes do que seus compatriotas.

Em termos de mensagens sobre munições transportadas por aviões, isso acontecerá logo após as munições transportadas por aviões serem implantadas pela primeira vez ...


Futebol nuclear

o futebol nuclear (também conhecido como o futebol atômico, a bolsa de emergência do presidente, a Bolsa de Emergência Presidencial, [1] o botão, a caixa preta, ou apenas o futebol americano) é uma pasta, cujo conteúdo deve ser usado pelo Presidente dos Estados Unidos para autorizar um ataque nuclear enquanto estiver fora de centros de comando fixos, como a Sala de Situação da Casa Branca ou o Centro de Operações de Emergência Presidencial. Ele funciona como um hub móvel no sistema de defesa estratégica dos Estados Unidos. É mantido por um ajudante de campo.


O bombardeio de Hiroshima: 6 de agosto de 1945

Paul Tibbets e o Enola Gay. Cortesia da Coleção Joseph Papalia.

0000: O coronel Paul Tibbets dá uma instrução final em uma extremidade da sala da tripulação para as tripulações da Missão de Bombardeio Especial nº 13, consistindo de sete B-29. O alvo escolhido continua sendo Hiroshima. Tibbets é piloto, Robert Lewis é co-piloto do avião de armas, o Enola Gay. Os dois planos de observação (O grande artista e Mal necessário) estaria carregando câmeras e equipamentos científicos e acompanharia o Enola Gay.

0015: Tibbets convoca o capelão William Downey, que convida as tripulações a curvarem suas cabeças. Downey então lê uma oração que ele compôs especificamente para esta ocasião.

“Pai Todo-Poderoso, que quereis ouvir a oração dos que te amam, nós te pagamos para estar com aqueles que desafiam as alturas do teu céu e que levam a batalha aos nossos inimigos. Guarde-os e proteja-os, nós te pedimos, enquanto eles voam em suas rondas designadas. Que eles, assim como nós, conheçam Tua força e poder e, armados com Teu poder, possam levar esta guerra a um fim rápido. Oramos a Ti para que o fim da guerra chegue logo, e que mais uma vez possamos ter paz na terra. Que os homens que voam esta noite sejam mantidos em segurança sob Teus cuidados e que possam ser devolvidos em segurança para nós. Devemos seguir em frente confiando em Ti, sabendo que estamos aos Teus cuidados agora e para sempre. Em nome de Jesus Cristo. Um homem."

0112: Os caminhões buscam as tripulações dos dois aviões de observação que irão acompanhar o Enola Gay.

0115: Um caminhão pega a tripulação do Enola Gay. Tibbets e Parsons sentam-se na frente com o motorista. Na traseira do caminhão estão o holandês Van Kirk, Thomas Ferebee, Robert Lewis, Jacob Beser, Morris Jeppson, Bob Caron, Robert Shumard, Joseph Stiborik e Richard Nelson. A tripulação usa um macacão de combate verde-claro. A única identificação que eles têm são as etiquetas de identificação em seus pescoços. A tag de cachorro de Jacob Beser tem o carimbo "H" de "hebraico".

0137: Os três aviões meteorológicos, Straight Flush, Jabit III e Full House, decolagem, cada um designado independentemente para avaliar as condições meteorológicas em Hiroshima, Kokura e Nagasaki.

0151: Grande fedor decola para assumir seu papel de stand-by como o avião sobressalente de ataque em Iwo Jima.

0220: O final Enola Gay a foto da tripulação é tirada. Tibbets se vira para sua equipe e diz: "Ok, vamos trabalhar."

0227: Enola GayOs motores são ligados.

0235: Enola Gay chega à sua posição de decolagem na pista.

0245: Enola Gay começa a rolagem de decolagem. O coronel Paul Tibbets disse ao co-piloto de Robert Lewis: "Vamos lá." Ele empurra todos os aceleradores para frente. Enola Gay sobe lentamente no céu noturno, usando todos os mais de três quilômetros de pista.

0249: Mal necessário decola.

0255: Dez minutos após a decolagem, Dutch Van Kirk escreve sua entrada inicial no diário do navegador.

0300: O capitão William "Deak" Parsons dá um tapinha no ombro de Tibbets, indicando que eles iam começar a armar o menino. Parsons e Morris Jeppson, o oficial de teste eletrônico, entram no compartimento de bombas.

0310: Parsons insere a pólvora e o detonador em Little Boy.

0320: Parsons e Jeppson completam a inserção da carga em Little Boy e saem do compartimento de bombas.

0420: Van Kirk fornece um tempo estimado de chegada em Iwo Jima de 5h52.

0600: Os B-29s se encontram em Iwo Jima, sobem a 9.300 pés e definem seu curso para o Japão.

0715: Jeppson remove os dispositivos de segurança de Little Boy e insere os dispositivos de armar (mudando de plugues verdes para plugues vermelhos).

0730: Tibbets anuncia à tripulação: "Estamos carregando a primeira bomba atômica do mundo." Ele pressuriza o Enola Gay e começa uma subida a 32.700 pés. A tripulação coloca seus pára-quedas e macacões antiaéreos.

0809: Os aviões meteorológicos sobrevoam as possíveis cidades-alvo. Em Hiroshima, um alerta de ataque aéreo é comunicado.

0824: O piloto do Straight flush O plano meteorológico envia a Tibbets uma mensagem codificada que afirma: “As nuvens cobrem menos de 3/10 em todas as altitudes. Conselho: bomba primária. "Tibbets liga o interfone e anuncia:" É Hiroshima. " Tibbets então pede a Richard Nelson para enviar uma mensagem de uma palavra para William L. Uanna, chefe de segurança do esquadrão em Iwo Jima: "Primário."

0831: Os aviões meteorológicos partem de seus locais. Em Hiroshima, o sinal de tudo limpo é soado.

0850: Voando a 31.000 pés, Enola Gay atravessa Shikoku a leste de Hiroshima. As condições de bombardeio são boas, o ponto de mira é facilmente visível e nenhuma oposição é encontrada.

0905: Van Kirk anuncia: "Dez minutos para a AP." Enola Gay está a uma altitude de 31.060 pés com uma velocidade do ar de 320 quilômetros por hora quando a cidade de Hiroshima aparece pela primeira vez. É a maré alta no Mar do Japão, então os sete braços do Rio Ota estão completamente cheios e parados. Estudantes do sexo masculino estão a caminho do trabalho na fábrica de munições. As meninas em idade escolar já estão demolindo mais edifícios para criar pistas de incêndio adicionais.

0912: Controle do Enola Gay é entregue ao bombardeiro, Thomas Ferebee, quando o bombardeio começa. Um operador da Rádio Hiroshima relata que três aviões foram localizados.

0914: Tibbets diz à sua equipe: “De óculos”.

0914:17 (0814: 17 hora de Hiroshima): O ponto de mira de Ferebee, a ponte Aioi em forma de T, está ao alcance. A sequência de 60 segundos para o lançamento automático da bomba está ligada à mira de bomba Norden. Luis Alvarez, um dos cientistas seniores do Projeto Manhattan a bordo O Grande Artista, libera dois medidores de pressão em pára-quedas, a fim de determinar o rendimento da bomba. Pessoas no chão, olhando para o único bombardeiro seis milhas acima, observam o pequeno objeto enquanto ele desce flutuando.

0915:15 (8:15:15 horário de Hiroshima): As portas do compartimento de bombas se abrem e Little Boy se livra de seu gancho de restrição. Ferebee anuncia: "Bombardeie". O nariz do Enola Gay sobe dez pés quando a bomba Little Boy de 9.700 libras é lançada a 31.060 pés. Tibbets imediatamente puxa o Enola Gay em uma curva acentuada de 155 graus para a direita. Ferebee observa a bomba balançar antes de ganhar velocidade e cair.

No solo, um segundo alerta de ataque aéreo é solicitado. Por mais 44,4 segundos, o Enola Gay continua a voar para o norte enquanto a bomba cai em direção ao seu ponto de mira. Quando a altitude de detonação designada é atingida, Little Boy explode sobre a cidade de Hiroshima.

No momento da detonação, o Enola Gay já está a onze milhas e meia de distância. Tibbets, de costas para a explosão, observa um clarão azul prateado e experimenta uma sensação estranha na boca, a mesma sensação de se ele tocasse as obturações de chumbo e prata em sua boca com um garfo.

Bob Caron, o artilheiro da cauda do Enola Gay, é o único membro da tripulação enfrentando Hiroshima no momento da detonação. Ele vê um brilho na atmosfera vindo em direção ao avião. Sem entender o que está acontecendo, Caron permanece quieto. Logo depois, a primeira das três ondas de choque consecutivas atingiu o Enola Gay e a fuselagem range e geme com o som de uma folha de alumínio amassada.

0916: 02 (8:16:02 horário de Hiroshima): Depois de cair quase seis milhas em quarenta e três segundos, Little Boy explode a 1.968 pés acima da Clínica do Dr. Shima, a 550 pés de distância do ponto de mira da Ponte Aioi. A fissão nuclear começa em 0,15 microssegundos com um único nêutron, iniciando uma reação em cadeia supercrítica que aumenta a temperatura para vários milhões de graus Fahrenheit mais quente do que a superfície do sol no momento em que o invólucro da bomba explode. O rendimento é de 12,5-18 Kt (a melhor estimativa é de 15 Kt).

É o pico da hora do rush matinal em Hiroshima. Acima da cidade, a bola de fogo está se expandindo rapidamente.

.1 segundos: A bola de fogo se expandiu para trinta metros de diâmetro combinada com uma temperatura de 500.000 ° F. Nêutrons e raios gama atingem o solo. A radiação ionizante é responsável por causar a maioria dos danos radiológicos a todos os humanos, animais e outros organismos biológicos expostos.

.15 segundos: O ar superaquecido acima do solo brilha. Uma mulher sentada nos degraus da margem do rio Ota, a oitocentos metros do marco zero, vaporiza-se instantaneamente.

0,2-0,3 segundos: Energia infravermelha intensa é liberada e queima instantaneamente a pele exposta por quilômetros em todas as direções. As telhas de construção se fundem. Uma estátua de Buda de bronze derrete, e até pedras de granito. As telhas fundem-se, postes de telefone de madeira carbonizam e tornam-se semelhantes a carvão. Os órgãos internos moles (vísceras) de humanos e animais evaporam. A onda de choque se propaga para fora a duas milhas por segundo ou 7.200 milhas por hora.

1,0 segundo e além: A bola de fogo atinge seu tamanho máximo, aproximadamente 300 metros de diâmetro. A onda de choque diminui para aproximadamente a velocidade do som (768 milhas por hora). A temperatura ao nível do solo diretamente abaixo da explosão (hipocentro) é de 7.000 ° F. A nuvem em forma de cogumelo começa a se formar.

A onda de choque espalha o fogo em todas as direções a 984 milhas por hora e rasga e queima as roupas de cada pessoa em seu caminho. A onda de choque atinge as montanhas ao redor de Hiroshima e se recupera. Aproximadamente 60.000 dos 90.000 edifícios da cidade são demolidos pelo vento intenso e pela tempestade de fogo.

Aproximadamente 525 pés a sudoeste do hipocentro, o revestimento de cobre que cobre a cúpula do Salão de Exibição de Produtos Industriais se foi, expondo a estrutura de viga semelhante a um esqueleto da cúpula. No entanto, a maior parte do tijolo e pedra do edifício permanece no local.

O solo dentro do hipocentro esfria até 5.400 ° F. A nuvem em forma de cogumelo atinge uma altura de aproximadamente 2.500 pés. Cacos de vidro de janelas quebradas estão embutidos em todos os lugares, até mesmo nas paredes de concreto. A bola de fogo começa a escurecer, mas ainda retém uma luminosidade equivalente a dez vezes a do sol a uma distância de 5,5 milhas.

Sombras nucleares aparecem pela primeira vez como resultado da radiação térmica extrema. Essas sombras são contornos de humanos e objetos que bloquearam a radiação térmica. Exemplos disso são a mulher que estava sentada na escada perto da margem do rio Ota. Apenas a sombra de onde ela se sentou permanece no concreto. A sombra de um homem puxando uma carroça do outro lado da rua é tudo o que resta no asfalto. A sombra de uma roda de válvula de aço aparece em uma parede de concreto diretamente atrás dela porque a radiação térmica foi bloqueada pelo contorno da roda.

Russell Gackenbach, o navegador a bordo Mal necessário, a uma distância de 15 milhas da explosão atômica, é iluminada por uma luz tão forte que, mesmo com seus óculos de proteção colocados, ele poderia ter lido as letras miúdas de sua Bíblia de bolso.

No solo, a tempestade de fogo continua a assolar dentro de uma área que agora cresceu para mais de um quilômetro de largura. Uma massa horrível e violenta de vermelho e roxo começa a surgir no céu. A coluna cogumelo suga o ar superaquecido, que incendeia tudo o que é combustível. Bob Caron compara a visão a "uma espiada no Inferno".

Uma mensagem codificada redigida por Parsons é enviada ao General Thomas Farrell em Tinian. Ele declarou: “Corte claro, sucesso em todos os aspectos. Efeitos visíveis maiores que Alamogordo. Condições normais no avião após a entrega. Prosseguindo para a base. "

Enola Gay circunda Hiroshima um total de três vezes, começando a 29.200 pés e subindo até 30.000 pés antes de voltar para casa. Estava a 368 milhas de Hiroshima quando Caron relatou que a nuvem em forma de cogumelo não era mais visível.

0930 (0830 horário de Hiroshima): O Depósito da Marinha de Kure envia uma mensagem a Tóquio de que uma bomba foi lançada em Hiroshima.

1055 (0955 hora de Hiroshima): Os EUA interceptam uma mensagem da 12ª Divisão Aérea Japonesa relatando "uma grande e violenta bomba de tipo especial, com aparência de magnésio".

1100 (hora 1000 de Hiroshima): Uma mensagem de Hiroshima para o Ministério do Exército faz referência a informações sobre uma nova bomba americana e relata que “deve ser isso”.

1458: Enola Gay terras na Ilha Tinian no Campo Norte. A primeira missão de bombardeio atômico durou um total de doze horas e treze minutos.

1500 (1400 hora de Tóquio): O telegrama da Agência de Notícias Domei em Tóquio relata um ataque a Hiroshima, mas não a magnitude da destruição.

Noite: Um alto administrador do governo japonês relata uma enorme destruição em Hiroshima.


Quando foi que a inscrição de mensagens em bombas aconteceu pela primeira vez? - História

POTSDAM E A DECISÃO FINAL DE USAR A BOMBA
(Potsdam, Alemanha, julho de 1945)
Events & gt Dawn of the Atomic Era, 1945

  • A guerra entra em sua fase final, 1945
  • Debate Over How to Use the Bomb, Final Spring 1945
  • The Trinity Test, 16 de julho de 1945
  • Safety and the Trinity Test, julho de 1945
  • Avaliações da Trindade, julho de 1945
  • Potsdam e a decisão final de bombardear, julho de 1945
  • O bombardeio atômico de Hiroshima, 6 de agosto de 1945
  • O Bombardeio Atômico de Nagasaki, 9 de agosto de 1945
  • Japan Surrenders, 10-15 de agosto de 1945
  • O Projeto Manhattan e a Segunda Guerra Mundial, 1939-1945

Depois de Presidente Harry S. Truman recebeu a notícia do sucesso do Teste de trindade, sua necessidade de ajuda da União Soviética na guerra contra o Japão diminuiu muito. O líder soviético, Joseph Stalin, havia prometido se juntar à guerra contra o Japão em 15 de agosto. Truman e seus conselheiros agora não tinham certeza se queriam essa ajuda. Se o uso da bomba atômica possibilitou a vitória sem uma invasão, aceitar a ajuda soviética apenas os convidaria para as discussões sobre o destino do Japão no pós-guerra. Durante a segunda semana de deliberações aliadas em Potsdam, na noite de 24 de julho de 1945, Truman abordou Stalin sem um intérprete e, o mais casualmente que pôde, disse-lhe que os Estados Unidos tinham uma "nova arma de força destrutiva incomum". Stalin mostrou pouco interesse, respondendo apenas que esperava que os Estados Unidos fizessem "bom uso disso contra os japoneses". O motivo da compostura de Stalin ficou claro mais tarde: A inteligência soviética estava recebendo informações sobre o programa da bomba atômica desde o outono de 1941.

A decisão final de lançar a bomba atômica, quando foi tomada no dia seguinte, 25 de julho, foi decididamente anticlimática. Como e quando deveria ser usado tinha sido o assunto de debate de alto nível por meses. Uma diretiva (direita), escrita por Leslie Groves, aprovado pelo Presidente Truman e emitido pelo Secretário da Guerra Henry Stimson e General do Exército George Marshall, ordenou que o 509º Grupo Composto da Força Aérea do Exército atacasse Hiroshima, Kokura, Niigata ou Nagasaki (nessa ordem de preferência) logo após 3 de agosto, conforme o tempo permitisse. Nenhuma autorização adicional foi necessária para ataques atômicos subsequentes. Bombas adicionais deveriam ser lançadas assim que estivessem disponíveis, contra quaisquer cidades japonesas que permanecessem na lista de alvos. Stalin não foi informado. A seleção agora dependia simplesmente de qual cidade não estava obscurecida por nuvens no dia do ataque.

O 509º do coronel Paul Tibbets estava pronto. Eles já haviam começado a lançar suas bombas falsas de "abóbora" em alvos japoneses, tanto para praticar, quanto para acostumar os japoneses a sobrevoar pequenos números de B-29s. A bomba de urânio "Little Boy", sem seus componentes nucleares, chegou à ilha de Tinian a bordo dos EUA Indianápolis em 26 de julho, seguido logo pelos componentes nucleares finais da bomba, lançada por cinco aviões de carga C-54. Em 26 de julho, chegou a Potsdam a notícia de que Winston Churchill havia sido derrotado em sua candidatura à reeleição. Em poucas horas, Truman, Stalin e Clement Attlee (o novo primeiro-ministro britânico, abaixo) fizeram sua advertência ao Japão: rendam-se ou sofram "destruição imediata e total". Como acontecera com Stalin, nenhuma menção específica à bomba atômica foi feita. Este "Potsdam Declaração "não deixou claro o status do imperador ao não fazer referência à casa real na seção que prometia aos japoneses que eles poderiam projetar seu novo governo, desde que fosse pacífico e mais democrático. O sentimento anti-guerra estava crescendo entre os líderes civis japoneses, mas nenhuma paz poderia ser feita sem o consentimento dos líderes militares. Eles ainda mantinham a esperança de uma paz negociada onde seriam capazes de manter pelo menos algumas de suas conquistas ou pelo menos evitar a ocupação americana da pátria. Em 29 de julho de 1945 , os japoneses rejeitaram a Declaração de Potsdam.

Provavelmente não há questão mais controversa na história americana do século 20 do que a decisão do presidente Harry S. Truman de lançar a bomba atômica sobre o Japão. Muitos historiadores argumentam que foi necessário acabar com a guerra e que na verdade ela salvou vidas, tanto japonesas quanto americanas, ao evitar uma invasão do Japão que poderia ter custado centenas de milhares de vidas. Outros historiadores argumentam que o Japão teria se rendido mesmo sem o uso da bomba atômica e que, na verdade, Truman e seus conselheiros usaram a bomba apenas em um esforço para intimidar a União Soviética. Os Estados Unidos sabiam, a partir de mensagens interceptadas entre Tóquio e Moscou, que os japoneses estavam procurando um condicional render. Os formuladores de políticas americanas, entretanto, não estavam inclinados a aceitar uma "rendição" japonesa que deixasse sua ditadura militar intacta e até mesmo possivelmente permitisse reter algumas de suas conquistas do tempo de guerra. Além disso, os líderes americanos estavam ansiosos para encerrar a guerra o mais rápido possível. É importante lembrar que julho-agosto de 1945 não foi um período de negociação sem derramamento de sangue. Na verdade, ainda não houve negociações abertas. Os Estados Unidos continuaram a sofrer baixas no final de julho e início de agosto de 1945, especialmente de submarinos japoneses e ataques suicidas "kamikaze" usando aeronaves e submarinos anões. (Um exemplo disso é a perda do Indianápolis, que foi afundado por um submarino japonês em 29 de julho, poucos dias depois de entregar "Little Boy" a Tinian. De sua tripulação de 1.199, apenas 316 marinheiros sobreviveram.) O povo do Japão, entretanto, estava sofrendo muito mais nessa época. Ataques aéreos e bombardeios navais ao Japão eram ocorrências diárias e os primeiros sinais de fome já começavam a aparecer.

As alternativas para lançar a bomba atômica sobre uma cidade japonesa eram muitas, mas poucos planejadores militares ou políticos pensaram que elas trariam o resultado desejado, pelo menos não rapidamente. Eles acreditavam que o choque de uma rápida série de bombardeios tinha a melhor chance de funcionar. Uma demonstração do poder da bomba atômica em um local isolado foi uma opção apoiada por muitos dos membros do Projeto Manhattan cientistas, mas fornecer o aviso japonês de uma demonstração permitiria que tentassem interceptar o bombardeiro que se aproximava ou mesmo mover prisioneiros de guerra americanos para o alvo designado. Também o bomba tipo arma de urânio (à direita) nunca tinha sido testado. Qual seria a reação se os Estados Unidos avisassem sobre uma nova arma horrível, apenas para vê-la se revelar um fracasso, com os destroços da própria arma agora em mãos japonesas? Outra opção era esperar pela esperada declaração de guerra soviética na esperança de que isso pudesse convencer o Japão a se render incondicionalmente, mas a declaração soviética não era esperada até meados de agosto, e Truman esperava evitar ter que "compartilhar" a administração de Japão com a União Soviética. Um bloqueio combinado com um bombardeio convencional contínuo também poderia eventualmente levar à rendição sem uma invasão, mas não havia como dizer quanto tempo isso levaria, se é que funcionou.

A única alternativa à bomba atômica que Truman e seus conselheiros achavam que levaria à rendição japonesa era a invasão das ilhas japonesas. Os planos já estavam bem adiantados para isso, com os pousos iniciais marcados para o outono e inverno de 1945-1946. Ninguém sabia quantas vidas seriam perdidas em uma invasão, americana, aliada e japonesa, mas a recente tomada da ilha de Okinawa forneceu uma pista medonha. A campanha para tomar a pequena ilha durou mais de dez semanas, e os combates resultaram na morte de mais de 12.000 americanos, 100.000 japoneses e talvez outros 100.000 okinawanos nativos.

Como acontece com muitas pessoas, Truman ficou chocado com as enormes perdas sofridas em Okinawa. Relatórios da inteligência americana indicaram (corretamente) que, embora o Japão não pudesse mais projetar significativamente seu poder no exterior, manteve um exército de dois milhões de soldados e cerca de 10.000 aeronaves - metade delas kamikazes - para a defesa final da pátria. (Durante os estudos do pós-guerra, os Estados Unidos aprenderam que os japoneses previram corretamente onde em Kyushu os pousos iniciais teriam ocorrido.) Embora Truman esperasse que a bomba atômica pudesse dar aos Estados Unidos uma vantagem na diplomacia do pós-guerra, a perspectiva de evitar outro ano de uma guerra sangrenta no final pode muito bem ter figurado de forma mais importante em sua decisão de lançar a bomba atômica sobre o Japão.

  • A guerra entra em sua fase final, 1945
  • Debate Over How to Use the Bomb, Final Spring 1945
  • The Trinity Test, 16 de julho de 1945
  • Safety and the Trinity Test, julho de 1945
  • Avaliações da Trindade, julho de 1945
  • Potsdam e a decisão final de bombardear, julho de 1945
  • O Bombardeio Atômico de Hiroshima, 6 de agosto de 1945
  • O Bombardeio Atômico de Nagasaki, 9 de agosto de 1945
  • Japan Surrenders, 10-15 de agosto de 1945
  • O Projeto Manhattan e a Segunda Guerra Mundial, 1939-1945

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Conteúdo

Os atuais objetivos estratégicos da CND são:

  • A eliminação das armas nucleares britânicas e a abolição global das armas nucleares. Ele faz campanha pelo cancelamento do programa Trident pelo governo britânico e contra a implantação de armas nucleares na Grã-Bretanha.
  • A abolição das armas de destruição em massa, em particular as armas químicas e biológicas. O CND também quer a proibição da fabricação, teste e uso de armas de urânio empobrecido.
  • Uma Europa sem armas nucleares, menos militarizada e mais segura. Apoia a Organização para a Segurança e Cooperação na Europa (OSCE). Opõe-se às bases militares dos EUA e às armas nucleares na Europa e à adesão britânica à OTAN.
  • O fechamento da indústria de energia nuclear. [3]

Nos últimos anos, o CND estendeu suas campanhas para incluir a oposição à política dos EUA e da Grã-Bretanha no Oriente Médio, em vez de ampliar suas campanhas antinucleares na década de 1960 para incluir a oposição à Guerra do Vietnã. Em colaboração com a Stop the War Coalition e a Associação Muçulmana da Grã-Bretanha, o CND organizou marchas anti-guerra sob o lema "Não Ataque o Iraque", incluindo protestos em 28 de setembro de 2002 e 15 de fevereiro de 2003. Também organizou uma vigília para as vítimas dos atentados de 2005 em Londres.

CND faz campanha contra o míssil Trident. Em março de 2007, organizou um comício na Praça do Parlamento para coincidir com a moção dos Commons para renovar o sistema de armas. O comício contou com a presença de mais de 1.000 pessoas. Foi dirigido pelos parlamentares trabalhistas Jon Trickett, Emily Thornberry, John McDonnell, Michael Meacher, Diane Abbott e Jeremy Corbyn que votaram contra a renovação de Trident, e Elfyn Llwyd de Plaid Cymru e Angus MacNeil do Partido Nacional Escocês. Na Câmara dos Comuns, 161 deputados (88 deles trabalhistas) votaram contra a renovação do Trident e a moção do governo foi aprovada apenas com o apoio dos conservadores. [4]

Em 2006, o CND lançou uma campanha contra a energia nuclear. Seu número de membros, que havia caído para 32.000 de um pico de 110.000 em 1983, aumentou três vezes depois que o primeiro-ministro Tony Blair se comprometeu com a energia nuclear. [5]

A CND está sediada em Londres e possui grupos nacionais no País de Gales, Irlanda e Escócia, grupos regionais em Cambridgeshire, Cumbria, East Midlands, Kent, Londres, Manchester, Merseyside, Mid Somerset, Norwich, South Cheshire e North Staffordshire, Sul da Inglaterra, Sul West England, Suffolk, Surrey, Sussex, Tyne and Wear, West Midlands e Yorkshire e filiais locais.

Existem cinco "seções especializadas": Sindicato CND, Christian CND, Trabalhista CND, Green CND e Ex-Services CND, [6] que têm direitos de representação no conselho de governo. Existem também grupos parlamentares, juvenis e estudantis.

The First Wave: 1957-1963 Edit

A Campanha pelo Desarmamento Nuclear foi fundada em 1957 na esteira do medo generalizado de conflito nuclear e os efeitos dos testes nucleares. No início dos anos 1950, a Grã-Bretanha se tornou a terceira potência atômica, depois dos Estados Unidos e da URSS, e recentemente testou uma bomba H. [7]

Em novembro de 1957, J. B. Priestley escreveu um artigo para o New Statesman revista, "Grã-Bretanha e as bombas nucleares", [8] defendendo o desarmamento nuclear unilateral pela Grã-Bretanha. Nela ele disse:

Em palavras simples: agora que a Grã-Bretanha disse ao mundo que ela tem a bomba H, ela deveria anunciar o mais cedo possível que ela terminou, que ela se propõe a rejeitar, em todas as circunstâncias, a guerra nuclear.

O artigo gerou muitas cartas de apoio e no final do mês o editor do New Statesman, Kingsley Martin, presidiu uma reunião nas salas do Cônego John Collins em Amen Court para lançar a Campanha pelo Desarmamento Nuclear. Collins foi escolhido como seu presidente, Bertrand Russell como seu presidente e Peggy Duff como sua secretária organizadora. Os outros membros de seu comitê executivo eram Martin, Priestley, Ritchie Calder, o jornalista James Cameron, Howard Davies, Michael Foot, Arthur Goss e Joseph Rotblat. A campanha foi lançada em uma reunião pública no Central Hall, Westminster, em 17 de fevereiro de 1958, presidida por Collins e dirigida por Michael Foot, Stephen King-Hall, J. B. Priestley, Bertrand Russell e A. J. P. Taylor. [9] Foi assistido por 5.000 pessoas, algumas centenas das quais se manifestaram em Downing Street após o evento. [10] [11]

A nova organização atraiu considerável interesse público e obteve o apoio de uma série de interesses, incluindo cientistas, líderes religiosos, acadêmicos, jornalistas, escritores, atores e músicos. Seus patrocinadores incluíram John Arlott, Peggy Ashcroft, o bispo de Birmingham Dr. JL Wilson, Benjamin Britten, Visconde Chaplin, Michael de la Bédoyère, Bob Edwards, MP, Dame Edith Evans, ASFrere, Gerald Gardiner, QC, Victor Gollancz, Dr. I . Grunfeld, EM Forster, Barbara Hepworth, Patrick Heron, Rev. Trevor Huddleston, Sir Julian Huxley, Edward Hyams, o Bispo de Llandaff Dr. Glyn Simon, Doris Lessing, Sir Compton Mackenzie, o Rev. George McLeod, Miles Malleson, Denis Matthews , Sir Francis Meynell, Henry Moore, John Napper, Ben Nicholson, Sir Herbert Read, Flora Robson, Michael Tippett, a cartunista 'Vicky', o Professor CH Waddington e Barbara Wootton. [12] Outros membros fundadores proeminentes do CND foram Fenner Brockway, E. P. Thompson, A. J. P. Taylor, Anthony Greenwood, Jill Greenwood, Lord Simon, D. H. Pennington, Eric Baker e Dora Russell. Organizações que anteriormente se opuseram às armas nucleares britânicas apoiaram o CND, incluindo o Comitê de Paz Britânico, o Comitê de Ação Direta, [13] o Comitê Nacional para a Abolição de Testes de Armas Nucleares [12] e os Quakers. [14]

No mesmo ano, uma filial da CND também foi criada na República da Irlanda por John de Courcy Ireland e sua esposa Beatrice, com o objetivo de fazer campanha para o governo irlandês apoiar os esforços internacionais para alcançar o desarmamento nuclear e manter a Irlanda livre de armas nucleares potência. [15] Apoiadores notáveis ​​do CND irlandês incluíam Peadar O'Donnell, Owen Sheehy-Skeffington e Hubert Butler. [16]

A formação do CND marcou uma mudança significativa no movimento internacional pela paz, que desde o final dos anos 1940 era dominado pelo Conselho Mundial da Paz (WPC), uma organização antiocidental dirigida pelo Partido Comunista Soviético. Como o WPC tinha um grande orçamento e organizou conferências internacionais de alto nível, o movimento pela paz se identificou com a causa comunista. [17] O CND representou o crescimento do movimento desalinhado pela paz e seu distanciamento do CMP.

Com uma eleição geral marcada para 1959, que era amplamente esperado que os trabalhistas vencessem, [18] os fundadores do CND previram uma campanha por indivíduos eminentes para garantir um governo que adotasse suas políticas: a renúncia incondicional do uso, produção ou dependência de armas nucleares armas pela Grã-Bretanha e a realização de uma convenção geral de desarmamento impedindo o vôo de aviões armados com armas nucleares encerrando os testes nucleares não prosseguindo com bases de mísseis e não fornecendo armas nucleares a qualquer outro país. [12]

Na Páscoa de 1958, o CND, depois de alguma relutância inicial, apoiou uma marcha de Londres ao Atomic Weapons Research Establishment em Aldermaston (uma distância de 52 milhas), que havia sido organizada por um pequeno grupo pacifista, o Comitê de Ação Direta. Depois disso, o CND organizou marchas anuais na Páscoa de Aldermaston a Londres, que se tornaram o principal foco das atividades dos apoiadores. 60.000 pessoas participaram da marcha de 1959 e 150.000 nas marchas de 1961 e 1962. [19] [20] A marcha de 1958 foi tema de um documentário de Lindsay Anderson, Março para Aldermaston.

O símbolo adotado pelo CND, projetado para eles em 1958 por Gerald Holtom, [12] tornou-se o símbolo da paz internacional. É baseado nos símbolos de semáforo para "N" (duas bandeiras seguradas 45 graus para baixo em ambos os lados, formando o triângulo na parte inferior) e "D" (duas bandeiras, uma acima da cabeça e outra nos pés, formando a vertical linha) (para Desarmamento Nuclear) dentro de um círculo. [21] Holtom disse mais tarde que também representava "um indivíduo em desespero, com as palmas das mãos estendidas para fora e para baixo à maneira do camponês de Goya antes do pelotão de fuzilamento" (embora naquela pintura, 3 de maio de 1808, o camponês está na verdade segurando suas mãos para cima) [22] O símbolo do CND, a marcha de Aldermaston e o slogan "Ban the Bomb" tornaram-se ícones e parte da cultura jovem dos anos 1960.

Os apoiadores do CND geralmente eram de centro-esquerda na política. Cerca de três quartos eram eleitores trabalhistas [14] e muitos dos primeiros comitês executivos eram membros do Partido Trabalhista. [12] O ethos do CND naquela época foi descrito como "essencialmente aquele do radicalismo de classe média". [23]

No evento, o Trabalhismo perdeu a eleição de 1959, mas votou em sua Conferência de 1960 pelo desarmamento nuclear unilateral, que representou a maior influência do CND e coincidiu com o nível mais alto de apoio público ao seu programa. [24] The resolution was passed against the wishes of the party's leaders, who refused to be bound by it and proceeded to organise to have it overturned at the next conference. [25] Hugh Gaitskell, the Labour Party leader, promised to "fight, fight, and fight again" against the decision, which was duly overturned at the 1961 Conference. Labour's failure to win the election and its rejection of unilateralism upset CND's plans, and from about 1961 its prospects of success began to fade. It was said that from that time onward it lacked any clear idea of how nuclear disarmament was to be implemented and that its demonstrations had become ends in themselves. [26] The sociologist Frank Parkin said that, for many supporters, the question of implementation was of secondary importance anyway because, for them, involvement in the campaign was "an expressive activity in which the defence of principles was felt to have higher priority than 'getting things done'." [14] He suggested CND's survival in the face of its failure was explained by the fact that it provided "a rallying point and symbol for radicals", which was more important for them than "its manifest function of attempting to change the government's nuclear weapons policy." [14] Despite setbacks, it retained the support of a significant minority of the population and became a mass movement, with a network of autonomous branches and specialist groups and an increased participation in demonstrations until about 1963.

In 1960 Bertrand Russell resigned from the Campaign in order to form the Committee of 100, which became, in effect, the direct action wing of CND. Russell argued that direct action was necessary because the press was losing interest in CND and because the danger of nuclear war was so great that it was necessary to obstruct government preparations for it. [27] In 1958 CND had cautiously accepted direct action as a possible method of campaigning, [12] but, largely under the influence of its chairman, Canon Collins, the CND leadership opposed any sort of unlawful protest. The Committee of 100 was created as a separate organisation partly for that reason and partly because of personal animosity between Collins and Russell. Although the committee was supported by many in CND, it has been suggested [28] that the campaign against nuclear weapons was weakened by the friction between the two organisations. The Committee organised large sit-down demonstrations in London and at military bases. It later diversified into other political campaigns, including Biafra, the Vietnam war and housing in the UK. It was dissolved in 1968. When direct action came to the fore again in the 1980s, it was generally accepted by the peace movement as a normal part of protest. [29]

CND's executive committee did not give its supporters a voice in the Campaign until 1961, when a national council was formed and until 1966 it had no formal membership. The relationship between supporters and leaders was unclear, as was the relationship between the executive and the local branches. The executive committee's lack of authority made possible the inclusion within CND of a wide range of views, but it resulted in lengthy internal discussions and the adoption of contradictory resolutions at conferences. [26] There was friction between the founders, who conceived of CND as a campaign by eminent individuals focused on the Labour Party, and CND's supporters (including the more radical members of the executive committee), who saw it as an extra-parliamentary mass movement. Collins was unpopular with many supporters because of his strictly constitutional approach and found himself increasingly out of sympathy with the direction the movement was taking. [30] He resigned in 1964 and put his energies into the International Confederation for Disarmament and Peace. [31]

The Cuban Missile Crisis in the Autumn of 1962, in which the United States blockaded a Soviet attempt to put nuclear missiles on Cuba, created widespread public anxiety about imminent nuclear war and CND organised demonstrations on the issue. But six months after the crisis, a Gallup Poll found that public concern about nuclear weapons had fallen to its lowest point since 1957, [12] and there was a view (disputed by some CND supporters) [32] that US President John F. Kennedy's success in facing down Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev turned the British public away from the idea of unilateral nuclear disarmament.

On the 1963 Aldermaston march, a clandestine group calling itself Spies for Peace distributed leaflets about a secret government establishment, RSG 6, that the march was passing. The people behind Spies for Peace remain unknown, except for Nicholas Walter, a leading member of the Committee of 100. [33] The leaflet said that RSG 6 was to be the local HQ for a military dictatorship after nuclear war. A large group left the march, against the wishes of the CND leadership, to demonstrate at RSG 6. Later, when the march reached London, there were disorderly demonstrations in which anarchists were prominent, quickly deprecated in the press and in parliament. [12] In 1964 there was only a one-day march, partly because of the events of 1963 and partly because the logistics of the march, which had grown beyond all expectation, had exhausted the organisers. [10] The Aldermaston March was resumed in 1965.

Support for CND dwindled after the 1963 Test Ban Treaty, one of the things it had been campaigning for. From the mid-1960s, the anti-war movement's preoccupation with the Vietnam War tended to eclipse concern about nuclear weapons but CND continued to campaign against both.

Although CND has never formally allied itself to any political party and has never been an election campaigning body, CND members and supporters have stood for election at various times on a nuclear disarmament ticket. The nearest CND has come to having an electoral arm was the Independent Nuclear Disarmament Election Campaign (INDEC) which stood candidates in a few local elections during the 1960s. INDEC was never endorsed by CND nationally and candidates were generally put up by local branches as a means of raising the profile of the nuclear threat.

The Second Wave: 1980–1983 Edit

In the 1980s, CND underwent a major revival in response to the resurgence of the Cold War. Wave after wave of new members joined as the result of a growing antinuclear movement, the strong motivation of its membership, and criticism of CND objectives by the Thatcher government. [34] There was increasing tension between the superpowers following the deployment of SS20s in the Soviet Bloc countries, American Pershing missiles in Western Europe, and Britain's replacement of the Polaris armed submarine fleet with Trident missiles. [23] The NATO exercise Able Archer 83 also added to international tension.

CND's membership soared in the early 1980s it claimed 90,000 national members and a further 250,000 in local branches. "This made it one of the largest political organisations in Britain and probably the largest peace movement in the world (outside the state-sponsored movements of the communist bloc)." [23] Public support for unilateralism reached its highest level since the 1960s. [35] In October 1981, 250,000 people joined an anti-nuclear demonstration in London. CND's demonstration on the eve of Cruise missile deployment in October 1983 was one of the largest in British history, [23] with 300,000 taking part in London as three million protested across Europe. [36]

Glastonbury Festival played a key cultural role in this period. The festival's long-term campaigning relationships have been with CND (1981–1990), Greenpeace (1992 onwards), and Oxfam (because of its campaigning against the arms trade), as well as the establishment of the Green Fields as a regular and expanding eco-feature of the festival (from 1984 on). The radical peace movement and the rise of the greens in Britain are interwoven at Glastonbury. The festival has offered these campaigns and groups space on-site to publicise and disseminate their ideas, and it has ploughed large sums of money from the festival profits into them, as well as other causes. June 1981 saw the first Glastonbury CND Festival, and over the 1980s as a decade Glastonbury raised around £1m for CND. The CND logo topped Glastonbury's pyramid stage, while publicity regularly proclaimed proudly: 'This Event is the most effective Anti-Nuclear Fund Raiser in Europe’. [37]

New sections were formed, including Ex-services CND, Green CND, Student CND, Tories Against Cruise and Trident (TACT), Trade Union CND, and Youth CND. More women than men supported CND. [10] The campaign attracted supporters who opposed the Government's civil defence plans as outlined in an official booklet, Protect and Survive. This publication was ridiculed in a popular pamphlet, Protest and Survive, by E. P. Thompson, a leading anti-nuclear campaigner of the period.

The British anti-nuclear movement at this time differed from that of the 1960s. Many groups sprang up independently of CND, some affiliating later. CND's previous objection to civil disobedience was dropped and it became a normal part of anti-nuclear protest. The women's movement had a strong influence, much of it emanating from the Greenham Common Women's Peace Camp, [10] followed by Molesworth People's Peace Camp.

A network of protesters, calling itself Cruise Watch, tracked and harassed Cruise missiles whenever they were carried on public roads. After a while, the missiles traveled only at night under police escort.

At its 1982 conference, the Labour Party adopted a policy of unilateral nuclear disarmament. It lost the 1983 general election "in which, following the Falklands war, foreign policy was high on the agenda. Election defeats under, first, Michael Foot, then Neil Kinnock, led Labour to abandon the policy in the late 1980s." [38] The re-election of a Conservative government in 1983 and the defeat of left-wing parties in continental Europe "made the deployment of Cruise missiles inevitable and the movement again began to lose steam." [23]

Membership Edit

Until 1967, supporters joined local branches and there was no national membership. An academic study of CND gives the following membership figures from 1967 onwards: [39]

  • 1967: 1,500
  • 1968: 3,037
  • 1969: 2,173
  • 1970: 2,120
  • 1971: 2,047
  • 1972: 2,389
  • 1973: 2,367
  • 1974: 2,350
  • 1975: 2,536
  • 1976: 3,220
  • 1977: 2,168
  • 1978: 3,220
  • 1979: 4,287
  • 1980: 9,000
  • 1981: 20,000
  • 1982: 50,000

Under Joan Ruddock's chairmanship from 1981 to 1985, CND said its membership rose from 20,000 to 460,000. [40] The BBC said that in 1985 CND had 110,000 members [41] and in 2006, 32,000. [41] The organisation reported a rapid increase in membership after Jeremy Corbyn, a prominent member, became leader of the Labour Party in 2015. [42]

As of 2020, the UK Membership was around 35,000

Opinion polls Edit

As it did not have a national membership until 1967, the strength of public support in its early days can be estimated only from the numbers of those attending demonstrations or expressing approval in opinion polls. Polls on a number of related issues have been taken over the past fifty years.

  • Between 1955 and 1962, between 19% and 33% of people in Britain expressed disapproval of the manufacture of nuclear weapons. [43]
  • Public support for unilateralism in September 1982 was 31%, falling to 21% in January 1983, but it is hard to say whether this decline was a result of the contemporary propaganda campaign against CND or not. [35]
  • Support for CND fell after the end of the Cold war. It had not succeeded in converting the British public to unilateralism and even after the collapse of the Soviet Union British nuclear weapons still have majority support. [35] "Unilateral disarmament has always been opposed by a majority of the British public, with the level of support for unilateralism remaining steady at around one in four of the population." [24][44]
  • In 2005, MORI conducted an opinion poll which asked about attitudes to Trident and the use of nuclear weapons. When asked whether the UK should replace Trident, without being told of the cost, 44% of respondents said "Yes" and 46% said "No". When asked the same question and told of the cost, the proportion saying "Yes" fell to 33% and the proportion saying "No" increased to 54%. [45]
  • In the same poll, MORI asked "Would you approve or disapprove of the UK using nuclear weapons against a country we are at war with?". 9% approved if that country did not have nuclear weapons, and 84% disapproved. 16% approved if that country had nuclear weapons but never used them, and 72% disapproved. 53% approved if that country used nuclear weapons against the UK, and 37% disapproved. [45]
  • CND's policy of opposing American nuclear bases is said to be in tune with public opinion. [23]

On three occasions the Labour Party, when in opposition, has been significantly influenced by CND in the direction of unilateral nuclear disarmament. Between 1960 and 1961 it was official Party policy although the Labour leader Hugh Gaitskell opposed the decision and succeeded in quickly reversing it. In 1980 long time CND supporter Michael Foot became Labour Party leader and in 1982 succeeded in changing official Labour policy in line with his views. After losing the 1983 and 1987 general elections Labour leader Neil Kinnock persuaded the party to abandon unilateralism in 1989. [46] In 2015 another long time CND supporter, Jeremy Corbyn was elected leader of the Labour Party, although the official Labour policy did not change in line with his views. [47]

CND's growing support in the 1980s provoked opposition from several sources, including Peace Through Nato, the British Atlantic Committee (which received government funding), [48] Women and Families for Defence (set up by Conservative journalist and later MP Lady Olga Maitland to oppose the Greenham Common Peace Camp), the Conservative Party's Campaign for Defence and Multilateral Disarmament, the Coalition for Peace through Security, the Foreign Affairs Research Institute, and The 61, a private sector intelligence agency. The British government also took direct steps to counter the influence of CND, Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine setting up Defence Secretariat 19 "to explain to the public the facts about the Government's policy on deterrence and multilateral disarmament". [49] The activities of anti-CND organisations are said to have included research, publication, mobilising public opinion, counter-demonstrations, working within the Churches, smears against CND leaders and spying.

In an article on anti-CND groups, Stephen Dorril reported that in 1982 Eugene V. Rostow, Director of the US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, became concerned about the growing unilateralist movement. According to Dorril, Rostow helped to initiate a propaganda exercise in Britain, "aimed at neutralising the efforts of CND. It would take three forms: mobilising public opinion, working within the Churches, and a 'dirty tricks' operation against the peace groups." [50]

One of the groups set up to carry out this work was the Coalition for Peace through Security (CPS), modelled on the US Coalition for Peace through Strength. The CPS was founded in 1981. Its main activists were Julian Lewis, Edward Leigh and Francis Holihan. [50] Amongst the activities of the CPS were commissioning Gallup polls [51] which showed the levels of support for British possession of nuclear weapons, providing speakers at public meetings, highlighting the left-wing affiliations of leading CND figures and mounting counter-demonstrations against CND. These including haranguing CND marchers from the roof of the CPS's Whitehall office and flying a plane over a CND festival with a banner reading, "Help the Soviets, Support CND!" [52] The CPS attracted criticism for refusing to say where its funding came from while alleging that the anti-nuclear movement was funded by the Soviet Union. [53] Although the CPS called itself a grass-roots movement, it had no members and was financed by The 61, [52] "a private sector operational intelligence agency" [54] said by its founder, Brian Crozier, to be funded by "rich individuals and a few private companies". [55] It is said to have also received funding from the Heritage Foundation. [56]

The CPS claimed that Bruce Kent, the general secretary of CND and a Catholic priest, was a supporter of IRA terrorism. [52] Kent alleged in his autobiography that Francis Holihan spied on CND. Dorril claimed [50]

that Holihan had organised aerial propaganda, had entered CND offices under false pretences, and that CPS workers had joined CND in order to gain access to the Campaign's 1982 Annual Conference. When Bruce Kent went on a speaking tour of America, Holihan followed him around. Offensive material on Kent was sent to newspapers and radio stations, and demonstrations were organised against him with support from the College Republican Committee.

Gerald Vaughan, a government minister, tried to halve government funding for the Citizens Advice Bureau, apparently because Joan Ruddock, CND's chair, was employed part-time at his local bureau. Bruce Kent was warned by Cardinal Basil Hume not to become too involved in politics.

Some of CND's opponents claimed that CND was a communist or Soviet-dominated organisation, a charge its supporters denied.

In 1981, the Foreign Affairs Research Institute, which shared an office with the CPS, was said by Sanity, the CND newspaper, to have published a booklet claiming that Russian money was being used by CND. [50] Lord Chalfont claimed that the Soviet Union was giving the European peace movement £100 million a year, to which Bruce Kent responded, "If they were, it was certainly not getting to our grotty little office in Finsbury Park." [57] In the 1980s, the Federation of Conservative Students (FCS) claimed that one of CND's elected officers, Dan Smith, was a communist. CND sued for defamation and the FCS settled on the second day of the trial, apologised and paid damages and costs. [58]

The British journalist Charles Moore reported a conversation he had with the Soviet double agent Oleg Gordievsky after the death of leading Labour politician Michael Foot. As editor of the newspaper Tribuna, says Moore, Foot was regularly visited by KGB agents who identified themselves as diplomats and gave him money. "A leading supporter of the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament, Foot . passed on what he knew about debates over nuclear weapons. In return, the KGB gave him drafts of articles encouraging British disarmament which he could then edit and publish, unattributed to their real source, in Tribuna." [59] Foot had received libel damages from the Sunday Times for a similar claim made during his lifetime. [60]

The security service (MI5) carried out surveillance of CND members it considered to be subversive and from the late 1960s until the mid-1970s it designated CND as subversive by virtue of its being "communist-controlled". [61] Communists have played an active role in the organisation, and John Cox, its chairman from 1971 to 1977, was a member of the Communist Party of Great Britain [ citação necessária ] but from the late 1970s, MI5 downgraded CND from "communist-controlled" to "communist-penetrated". [62]

In 1985, Cathy Massiter, an MI5 officer who had been responsible for the surveillance of CND from 1981 to 1983, resigned and made disclosures to a Channel 4 20/20 Vision programme, "MI5's Official Secrets". [63] [64] She said that her work was determined more by the political importance of CND than by any security threat posed by subversive elements within it. In 1983, she analysed telephone intercepts on John Cox that gave her access to conversations with Joan Ruddock and Bruce Kent. MI5 also placed a spy, Harry Newton, in the CND office. According to Massiter, Newton believed that CND was controlled by extreme left-wing activists and that Bruce Kent might be a crypto-communist, but Massiter found no evidence to support either opinion. [61] On the basis of Ruddock's contacts, MI5 suspected her of being a communist sympathiser. Speaking in the House of Commons, Dale Campbell-Savours, MP, said:

it was felt within the service that officers were likely to be questioned about the true political affiliation of Mrs. Joan Ruddock, who became chair of CND in 1983. It was fully recognised by the service that she had no subversive affiliations and therefore should not be recorded under any of the usual subversive categories. In fact, she was recorded as a contact of a hostile intelligence service after giving an interview to a Soviet journalist based in London who was suspected of being a KGB intelligence officer. In Joan Ruddock's file, MI5 recorded special branch references to her movements—usually public meetings—and kept press cuttings and the products of mail and telephone intercepts obtained through active investigation of other targets, such as the Communist party and John Cox. There were police reports recording her appearances at demonstrations or public meetings. There were references to her also in reports from agents working, for example, in the Communist party. These would also appear in her file. [64]

According to Stephen Dorril, at about the same time, Special Branch officers recruited an informant within CND, Stanley Bonnett, on the instructions of MI5. [56] MI5 is also said to have suspected CND's treasurer, Cathy Ashton, of being a communist sympathiser because she shared a house with a communist. [56] When Michael Heseltine became Secretary of State for Defence in 1983, Massiter was asked to provide information for Defence Secretariat 19 (DS19) about leading CND personnel but was instructed to include only information from published sources. Ruddock claims that DS19 released distorted information regarding her political party affiliations to the media and Conservative Party candidates. [65]

MI5 says that it does not now investigate this area. [62]

Brian Crozier claimed in his book Free Agent: The Unseen War 1941–1991 (Harper Collins, 1993) that The 61 infiltrated a mole into CND in 1979. [56]

In 1990, it was discovered in the archive of the Stasi (the state security service of the former German Democratic Republic) that a member of CND's governing council, Vic Allen, had passed information to them about CND. This discovery was made public in a BBC TV programme in 1999, reviving debate about Soviet links to CND. Allen stood against Joan Ruddock for the leadership of CND in 1985, but was defeated. Ruddock responded to the Stasi revelations by saying that Allen "certainly had no influence on national CND, and as a pro-Soviet could never have succeeded to the chair," and that "CND was as opposed to Soviet nuclear weapons as Western ones." [66] [67]


Civil Defense

In response to this threat, the government encouraged the American public to build fallout shelters in case of a nuclear attack. In a 1961 radio address, President Kennedy asserted, “In the event of an attack, the lives of those families which are not hit in a nuclear blast and fire can still be saved - if they can be warned to take shelter and if that shelter is available. We owe that kind of insurance to our families - and to our country.” The government also created numerous short civil defense films. To watch one such film from 1963, click here.

The government also instituted civil defense training for children. Although it predated the age of fallout, Duck and Cover (1952) featured the animated cartoon of “Bert the Turtle,” an icon of the civil defense era. Children practiced “duck and cover” exercises regularly in school. As activist Todd Gitlin remembered:

Every so often, out of the blue, a teacher would pause in the middle of class and call out, “Take cover!” We knew, then, to scramble under our miniature desks and to stay there, cramped, heads folded under our arms, until the teacher called out, “All clear!” Who knew what to believe? Under the desks and crouched in the hallways, terrors were ignited, existentialists were made. Whether or not we believed that hiding under a school desk or in a hallway was really going to protect us from the furies of an atomic blast, we could never quite take for granted that the world we had been born into was destined to endure. (109)

Civil defense also made its way to Hollywood. During a Cabinet meeting in December 1961, Leo Hoegh, the federal administrator of civil defense, criticized On the Beach as “very harmful because it produced a feeling of utter hopelessness, thus undermining OCDM’s [Office of Civil Defense Management] efforts to encourage preparedness.” State Department and U.S. Information Agency analysis added that its “strong emotional appeal for banning nuclear weapons could conceivably lead audiences to think in terms of radical solutions rather than practical safeguarded disarmament measures” (Fallout, 110).

The U.S. government preferred Hollywood films such as Panic in the Year Zero (1962). In the movie, the Baldwin family is going on a trip when they see strange flashes of light and then hear via CONELRAD (CONtrol of ELectronic RADiation, the emergency broadcast system used during this era) that Los Angeles has been bombed. Harry, the father, knows what to do in this emergency. He gathers supplies quickly, gets off the road, and keeps his family safe. At the end, the family is stopped by men with machine guns who turn out to be the U.S. military. “Thank God! It’s the Army!” declares Harry.


An “open world”

Early on during his exile, Bohr became convinced that the existence of the bomb would “not only seem to necessitate but should also, due to the urgency of mutual confidence, facilitate a new approach to the problems of international relationship.” The first step toward avoiding a postwar nuclear arms race would be to inform the ally in the war, the Soviet Union, of the project. Bohr set out on a solitary campaign, during which he even succeeded in obtaining personal interviews with British Prime Minister Winston Churchill and U.S. President Franklin D. Roosevelt. He was unable to convince either of them of his viewpoint, however, instead being suspected by Churchill of spying for the Russians. After the war, Bohr persisted in his mission for what he called an “open world” between nations, continuing his confidential contact with statesmen and writing an open letter to the United Nations in 1950.

Bohr was allowed to return home only after the atomic bomb had been dropped on Japan in August 1945. In Denmark he was greeted as a hero, some newspapers even welcoming him with pride as the Dane who had invented the atomic bomb. He continued to run and expand his institute, and he was central in postwar institution building for physics. On a national scale, he took a major part in establishing the research facility at Risø, near Roskilde, only a few miles outside Copenhagen, created in order to prepare the introduction of nuclear power in Denmark, which, however, has never occurred. Internationally, he took part in the establishment of CERN, the European experimental particle physics facility near Geneva, Switzerland, as well as of the Nordic Institute for Atomic Physics (Nordita) adjacent to his institute. Bohr left behind an unsurpassed scientific legacy, as well as an institute that remains one of the leading centres for theoretical physics in the world.


When did enscribing messages on bombs first happen? - História

Pearl Harbor, Hawaii, Sunday, December 7, 1941

Aboard a Japanese carrier before the attack on Pearl Harbor, crew members cheer departing pilots. Below: A photo taken from a Japanese plane during the attack shows vulnerable American battleships, and in the distance, smoke rising from Hickam Airfield where 35 men having breakfast in the mess hall were killed after a direct bomb hit.

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Above: The USS Shaw explodes during the Japanese air raid. Below Left: The battleship USS Arizona after a bomb penetrated into the forward magazine causing massive explosions and killing 1,104 men. Below Right: Dousing the flames on the battleship USS West Virginia, which survived and was rebuilt.

Sequence of Events

Saturday, December 6 - Washington D.C. - U.S. President Franklin Roosevelt makes a final appeal to the Emperor of Japan for peace. There is no reply. Late this same day, the U.S. code-breaking service begins intercepting a 14-part Japanese message and deciphers the first 13 parts, passing them on to the President and Secretary of State. The Americans believe a Japanese attack is imminent, most likely somewhere in Southeast Asia.

Sunday, December 7 - Washington D.C. - The last part of the Japanese message, stating that diplomatic relations with the U.S. are to be broken off, reaches Washington in the morning and is decoded at approximately 9 a.m. About an hour later, another Japanese message is intercepted. It instructs the Japanese embassy to deliver the main message to the Americans at 1 p.m. The Americans realize this time corresponds with early morning time in Pearl Harbor, which is several hours behind. The U.S. War Department then sends out an alert but uses a commercial telegraph because radio contact with Hawaii is temporarily broken. Delays prevent the alert from arriving at headquarters in Oahu until noontime (Hawaii time) four hours after the attack has already begun.

Sunday, December 7 - Islands of Hawaii, near Oahu - The Japanese attack force under the command of Admiral Nagumo, consisting of six carriers with 423 planes, is about to attack. At 6 a.m., the first attack wave of 183 Japanese planes takes off from the carriers located 230 miles north of Oahu and heads for the U.S. Pacific Fleet at Pearl Harbor.

Pearl Harbor - At 7:02 a.m., two Army operators at Oahu's northern shore radar station detect the Japanese air attack approaching and contact a junior officer who disregards their reports, thinking they are American B-17 planes which are expected in from the U.S. west coast.

Near Oahu - At 7:15 a.m., a second attack wave of 167 planes takes off from the Japanese carriers and heads for Pearl Harbor.

Pearl Harbor is not on a state on high alert. Senior commanders have concluded, based on available intelligence, there is no reason to believe an attack is imminent. Aircraft are therefore left parked wingtip to wingtip on airfields, anti-aircraft guns are unmanned with many ammunition boxes kept locked in accordance with peacetime regulations. There are also no torpedo nets protecting the fleet anchorage. And since it is Sunday morning, many officers and crewmen are leisurely ashore.

At 7:53 a.m., the first Japanese assault wave, with 51 'Val' dive bombers, 40 'Kate' torpedo bombers, 50 high level bombers and 43 'Zero' fighters, commences the attack with flight commander, Mitsuo Fuchida, sounding the battle cry: "Tora! Tora! Tora!" (Tiger! Tiger! Tiger!).

The Americans are taken completely by surprise. The first attack wave targets airfields and battleships. The second wave targets other ships and shipyard facilities. The air raid lasts until 9:45 a.m. Eight battleships are damaged, with five sunk. Three light cruisers, three destroyers and three smaller vessels are lost along with 188 aircraft. The Japanese lose 27 planes and five midget submarines which attempted to penetrate the inner harbor and launch torpedoes.

Escaping damage from the attack are the prime targets, the three U.S. Pacific Fleet aircraft carriers, Lexington, Enterprise and Saratoga, which were not in the port. Also escaping damage are the base fuel tanks.

The casualty list includes 2,335 servicemen and 68 civilians killed, with 1,178 wounded. Included are 1,104 men aboard the B attleship USS Arizona killed after a 1,760-pound air bomb penetrated into the forward magazine causing catastrophic explosions.

In Washington, various delays prevent the Japanese diplomats from presenting their war message to Secretary of State, Cordell Hull, until 2:30 p.m. (Washington time) just as the first reports of the air raid at Pearl Harbor are being read by Hull.

News of the "sneak attack" is broadcast to the American public via radio bulletins, with many popular Sunday afternoon entertainment programs being interrupted. The news sends a shockwave across the nation and results in a tremendous influx of young volunteers into the U.S. armed forces. The attack also unites the nation behind the President and effectively ends isolationist sentiment in the country.

Monday, December 8 - The United States and Britain declare war on Japan with President Roosevelt calling December 7, "a date which will live in infamy. & quot

Thursday, December 11 - Germany and Italy declare war on the United States. The European and Southeast Asian wars have now become a global conflict with the Axis powers Japan, Germany and Italy, united against America, Britain, France, and their Allies.

Wednesday, December 17 - Admiral Chester W. Nimitz becomes the new commander of the U.S. Pacific Fleet.

Both senior commanders at Pearl Harbor Navy Admiral Husband E. Kimmel, and Army Lt. General Walter C. Short, were relieved of their duties following the attack. Subsequent investigations will fault the men for failing to adopt adequate defense measures.

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(Photo credits: U.S. National Archives)

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Fission

The isotopes uranium-235 and plutonium-239 were selected by the atomic scientists because they readily undergo fission. Fission occurs when a neutron strikes the nucleus of either isotope, splitting the nucleus into fragments and releasing a tremendous amount of energy. The fission process becomes self-sustaining as neutrons produced by the splitting of atom strike nearby nuclei and produce more fission. This is known as a chain reaction and is what causes an atomic explosion.

When a uranium-235 atom absorbs a neutron and fissions into two new atoms, it releases three new neutrons and some binding energy. Two neutrons do not continue the reaction because they are lost or absorbed by a uranium-238 atom. However, one neutron does collide with an atom of uranium-235, which then fissions and releases two neutrons and some binding energy. Both of those neutrons collide with uranium-235 atoms, each of which fission and release between one and three neutrons, and so on. This causes a nuclear chain reaction. For more on this topic, see Nuclear Fission.


Oklahoma City bombing

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Oklahoma City bombing, terrorist attack in Oklahoma City, Oklahoma, U.S., on April 19, 1995, in which a massive homemade bomb composed of more than two tonnes of ammonium nitrate fertilizer and fuel oil concealed in a rental truck exploded, heavily damaging the Alfred P. Murrah Federal Building. A total of 168 people were killed, including 19 children, and more than 500 were injured. The building was later razed, and a park was built on the site. The bombing remained the deadliest terrorist assault on U.S. soil until the attacks on the World Trade Center in New York City and the Pentagon outside Washington, D.C., in 2001. (Ver September 11 attacks.)

Although at first suspicion wrongly focused on Middle Eastern terrorist groups, attention quickly centred on Timothy McVeigh—who had been arrested shortly after the explosion for a traffic violation—and his friend Terry Nichols. Both were former U.S. Army soldiers and were associated with the extreme right-wing and militant Patriot movement. Two days after the bombing and shortly before he was to be released for his traffic violation, McVeigh was identified and charged as a suspect, and Nichols later voluntarily surrendered to police. McVeigh was convicted on 11 counts of murder, conspiracy, and using a weapon of mass destruction and was executed in 2001—the first person executed for a federal crime in the United States since 1963. Nichols avoided the death penalty but was convicted of conspiracy and eight counts of involuntary manslaughter and sentenced to life in prison. Other associates were convicted of failing to inform authorities about their prior knowledge of the conspiracy, and some observers believed that still other participants were involved in the attack.

Although McVeigh and Nichols were not directly connected with any major political group, they held views characteristic of the broad Patriot movement, which feared authoritarian plots by the U.S. federal government and corporate elites. At its most extreme, the Patriot movement denied the legitimacy of the federal government and law enforcement. One manifestation of the rightist upsurge was the formation of armed militia groups, which, according to some sources, claimed a national membership of about 30,000 by the mid-1990s. The militias justified their existence by claiming a right to armed self-defense against an allegedly oppressive government. In this context, the date of the Oklahoma City attack was doubly significant, falling on two notable anniversaries. April 19 marked both Patriots’ Day, the anniversary of the American rebellion against British authority at Lexington, Massachusetts, in 1775, and the date on which federal agents brought the Waco siege to a culmination by raiding the compound of the heavily armed Branch Davidian religious sect in Waco, Texas, in 1993. McVeigh claimed that the building in Oklahoma City was targeted to avenge the more than 70 deaths at Waco. Following the Oklahoma City attack, media and law enforcement officials began intense investigations of the militia movement and other armed extremist groups.

Speaking at a nationally televised memorial service in Oklahoma City a few days after the attack, U.S. Pres. Bill Clinton said, in part,

To all my fellow Americans beyond this hall, I say, one thing we owe those who have sacrificed is the duty to purge ourselves of the dark forces which gave rise to this evil. They are forces that threaten our common peace, our freedom, our way of life.

Let us teach our children that the God of comfort is also the God of righteousness. Those who trouble their own house will inherit the wind. Justice will prevail.

A chain-link fence that was erected shortly after the bombing to protect the site soon became a makeshift memorial to those killed in the incident and was festooned with condolence messages, poems, and countless other mementos. That fence became part of the permanent Outdoor Symbolic Memorial (which also includes a reflecting pool and a field of 168 empty chairs) that was dedicated in 2000. A year later the museum portion of Oklahoma City National Memorial and Museum was opened.


East African Embassy Bombings

On August 7, 1998, nearly simultaneous bombs blew up in front of the American embassies in Nairobi, Kenya, and Dar es Salaam, Tanzania. Two hundred and twenty-four people died in the blasts, including 12 Americans, and more than 4,500 people were wounded.

In the aftermath of the attacks, over 900 FBI agents alone—and many more FBI employees—traveled overseas to assist in the recovery of evidence and the identification of victims at the bomb sites and to track down the perpetrators.

These attacks were soon directly linked to al Qaeda. To date, more than 20 people have been charged in connection with the bombings. Several of these individuals—including Usama bin Laden—have been killed. Six are serving life sentences in U.S. prison, and a few others are awaiting trial.

The KENBOM and TANBOM investigations—as the FBI calls them—represented at that time the largest deployment in Bureau history. They led to ramped up anti-terror efforts by the United States and by the FBI, including an expanded Bureau overseas presence that can quickly respond to acts of terrorism that involve Americans.

The investigation continues, with the following fugitives still wanted for their alleged roles in the attacks:


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