Qual foi o papel de Alexander Hamilton na derrota presidencial de Aaron Burr?

Qual foi o papel de Alexander Hamilton na derrota presidencial de Aaron Burr?


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Com a aproximação da eleição presidencial de 1800, os americanos estavam mais divididos do que nunca. O atual presidente John Adams enfrentou o vice-presidente Thomas Jefferson, o ex-secretário de Estado e autor da Declaração de Independência.

Para Jefferson e seus partidários na crescente oposição democrata-republicana (ou republicana), construir um governo nacional forte, favorecido pelo Partido Federalista de Adams, significava atropelar os direitos dos Estados e dos indivíduos e destruir a liberdade revolucionária sobre a qual a nação foi fundada.

Na época, não havia voto popular e nem cédulas separadas para os candidatos à presidência e à vice-presidência. Os eleitores de cada um dos 16 estados da União deram, cada um, dois votos; o candidato que recebeu mais votos tornou-se presidente, enquanto o vice-campeão tornou-se vice-presidente. Esse sistema inegavelmente falho levou Jefferson a se tornar vice-presidente de Adams em 1796, depois de perder a primeira disputa presidencial do país por apenas três votos eleitorais.

Na eleição de 1800 - uma batalha prolongada entre duas visões totalmente diferentes do futuro da América - isso causaria uma crise constitucional total.

Um laço histórico entre Jefferson e Burr

A votação em 1800 ocorreu durante um período de meses, e a campanha, que foi amplamente travada na imprensa partidária do país, ficou realmente desagradável. O editor de jornal republicano James Callender acusou notoriamente Adams de ter um "hediondo personagem hermafrodita", enquanto um escritor federalista chamado "Burleigh" afirmou que, se Jefferson ganhasse, "assassinato, roubo, estupro, adultério e incesto serão abertamente ensinados e praticados. ”

Em meados de dezembro de 1800, ficou claro que Jefferson e seu companheiro de chapa, Aaron Burr, haviam derrotado a chapa federalista de Adams e Charles Cotesworth Pinckney. Mas havia um problema: esperava-se que pelo menos um eleitor republicano não votasse a Burr para permitir que Jefferson saísse na frente. Nenhum deles o fez, e cada homem recebeu exatamente 73 votos eleitorais.

Uma conspiração federalista para frustrar Jefferson

O empate levou a eleição para a Câmara dos Deputados, onde os federalistas dominaram. Embora a opinião pública favorecesse Jefferson, muitos federalistas decidiram lançar seu apoio a Burr, na esperança de afastar Jefferson do cargo mais alto do país. Burr se recusou a confirmar que recusaria a presidência se a Câmara votasse a seu favor, levando algumas pessoas a concluir que ele estava secretamente procurando pelo cargo.

Alexander Hamilton foi uma dessas pessoas. Embora discordasse de Jefferson em quase todas as questões políticas, ele achava que Burr tinha poucos princípios além de sua própria ambição. Em uma feroz campanha de envio de cartas que continuaria de meados de dezembro até o final de janeiro de 1801, Hamilton trabalhou duro para convencer seus companheiros federalistas desse fato.

“Não há dúvida, mas de que, em todos os cálculos virtuosos e prudentes, Jefferson é o preferido", escreveu ele a Oliver Wolcott Jr. em 16 de dezembro. “Ele não é de longe um homem tão perigoso e tem pretensões de caráter . ”

Mas Hamilton havia perdido grande parte de sua influência entre seus colegas federalistas devido aos ataques violentos a Adams (bem como ao escândalo em sua vida pessoal). Na época, a Câmara começou a votar em 11 de fevereiro de 1801, as preocupações de Hamilton sobre Burr não conseguiram influenciar muitos membros de seu partido.

ASSISTA: "The Founding Fathers" no HISTORY Vault

O voto decisivo

A Constituição determinou que a delegação de cada estado na Câmara votasse como um único bloco para decidir a eleição. Isso colocou uma grande quantidade de poder nas mãos de um homem: o federalista de Delaware James A. Bayard, que era o único representante de seu estado em 1800. Se Bayard mudasse seu voto, seu estado mudaria seu voto.

Na primeira votação - e nas 34 que se seguiram nos cinco dias seguintes - Bayard deu o voto de Delaware a Burr, dando a ele seis estados contra oito de Jefferson. As delegações de Vermont e Maryland foram divididas igualmente, então eles não votaram.

Sem nenhum vencedor claro emergindo, a nação pairava à beira do caos. Os jornais republicanos atearam fogo ao sugerir uma possível intervenção militar, e grupos de milícias republicanas e federalistas não oficiais começaram a fazer exercícios em preparação para uma potencial guerra civil.

Enquanto isso, Bayard (possivelmente devido à influência de Hamilton, que havia escrito para ele em 16 de janeiro argumentando que Burr era um “homem de extremo & irregular ambição ”) estava a reconsiderar a sua posição. De acordo com o historiador Ron Chernow, Bayard sugeriu em um caucus que ele poderia votar em Jefferson para evitar uma crise constitucional. Depois que outros federalistas gritaram para ele com gritos de "Desertor!"

Bayard se encontrou com dois amigos de Jefferson, John Nicholas da Virgínia e Samuel Smith de Maryland. Ele procurou confirmar que, como presidente, Jefferson deixaria certas políticas federalistas, incluindo o sistema financeiro de Hamilton e os titulares de cargos em vigor.

Depois de obter uma garantia tácita de que Jefferson estava de acordo com esses termos, Bayard apresentou uma cédula em branco durante o 36º turno de votação, em 17 de fevereiro de 1801. Federalistas também se retiraram em Vermont e Maryland, permitindo que as delegações estaduais votassem em Jefferson e selando sua vitória, apenas duas semanas antes do dia da posse.

Impacto duradouro da eleição de 1800

Jefferson escreveu mais tarde que sua vitória em 1800 foi "uma revolução tão real nos princípios de nosso governo quanto a de 76 estava em sua forma". Os federalistas nunca ganhariam outra corrida presidencial e, em 1815, deixaram de existir como partido. Com os republicanos firmemente no controle do governo, a 12ª Emenda foi aprovada no final do primeiro mandato de Jefferson, emendando o processo eleitoral e separando a eleição de presidente e vice-presidente.

A eleição de 1800 figura com destaque no musical de sucesso de Lin-Manuel Miranda Hamilton, servindo como catalisador para o confronto fatal entre Hamilton e Burr em 1804. Na vida real, a sequência de eventos foi mais complicada, mas as consequências de 1800 certamente desempenharam um papel significativo na vida dos dois homens.

A estatura de Hamilton dentro de seu partido diminuiu ainda mais após a eleição de Jefferson, mesmo quando o próprio federalismo perdeu influência. Enquanto isso, depois que Jefferson se recusou a dar ao seu novo vice-presidente qualquer influência em sua administração e o retirou da chapa na próxima eleição, Burr concorreu sem sucesso para governador de Nova York.

Quando os rumores chegaram a Burr de que Hamilton tinha falado contra ele durante aquela campanha, as tensões de longa duração entre eles aumentaram, culminando no duelo que matou Hamilton em julho de 1804.


Legado

As interpretações de Hamilton da Constituição estabelecidas no Artigos Federalistas permanecem altamente influentes, como visto em estudos acadêmicos e decisões judiciais. [163]

Embora a Constituição fosse ambígua quanto ao equilíbrio exato de poder entre os governos nacional e estadual, Hamilton consistentemente tomou o lado do maior poder federal às custas dos estados. [164] Como secretário do Tesouro, ele estabeleceu - contra a intensa oposição do secretário de Estado Jefferson - o primeiro banco nacional do país. Hamilton justificou a criação desse banco, e de outros poderes federais aumentados, sob os poderes constitucionais do Congresso para emitir moeda, regular o comércio interestadual e fazer qualquer outra coisa que fosse "necessária e apropriada" para promulgar as disposições da Constituição. Jefferson, por outro lado, tinha uma visão mais rígida da Constituição: analisando o texto com cuidado, ele não encontrou autorização específica para um banco nacional. Essa controvérsia foi finalmente resolvida pela Suprema Corte dos Estados Unidos em McCulloch v. Maryland, que em essência adotou a visão de Hamilton, concedendo ao governo federal ampla liberdade para selecionar os melhores meios para executar seus poderes constitucionalmente enumerados, especificamente a doutrina dos poderes implícitos. [165] No entanto, a Guerra Civil Americana e a Era Progressiva demonstraram os tipos de crises e políticas que a república administrativa de Hamilton procurava evitar. [166]

As políticas de Hamilton como secretário do Tesouro afetaram muito o governo dos Estados Unidos e ainda continuam a influenciá-lo. Sua interpretação constitucional, especificamente da Cláusula Necessária e Apropriada, estabeleceu precedentes para autoridade federal que ainda são usados ​​pelos tribunais e são considerados uma autoridade em interpretação constitucional. O proeminente diplomata francês Charles Maurice de Talleyrand, que passou 1794 nos Estados Unidos, escreveu: "Eu considero Napoleão, Fox e Hamilton os três maiores homens de nossa época, e se eu fosse forçado a decidir entre os três, eu daria sem hesitar o primeiro lugar para Hamilton ", acrescentando que Hamilton intuiu os problemas dos conservadores europeus. [167]

As opiniões sobre Hamilton abrangem toda a gama: tanto John Adams quanto Thomas Jefferson o viam como sem princípios e perigosamente aristocrático. A reputação de Hamilton era principalmente negativa nas eras da democracia jeffersoniana e da democracia jacksoniana. No entanto, na era progressista, Herbert Croly, Henry Cabot Lodge e Theodore Roosevelt elogiaram sua liderança de um governo forte. Vários republicanos dos séculos XIX e XX entraram na política escrevendo biografias laudatórias de Hamilton. [168]

Nos anos mais recentes, de acordo com Sean Wilentz, visões favoráveis ​​de Hamilton e sua reputação ganharam decididamente a iniciativa entre os estudiosos, que o retratam como o arquiteto visionário da economia capitalista liberal moderna e de um governo federal dinâmico liderado por um executivo enérgico. [169] Estudiosos modernos a favor de Hamilton retrataram Jefferson e seus aliados, em contraste, como idealistas ingênuos e sonhadores. [169] A visão jeffersoniana mais antiga atacou Hamilton como um centralizador, às vezes ao ponto de acusações de que ele defendia a monarquia. [1]: 397-98

Monumentos e memoriais

Retratos em moedas e selos postais

Desde o início da Guerra Civil Americana, Hamilton foi retratado em mais denominações da moeda dos EUA do que qualquer outra pessoa. Ele apareceu nas notas de $ 2, $ 5, $ 10, $ 20, $ 50 e $ 1.000. Hamilton também aparece no Título de Poupança da Série EE de $ 500.

O retrato de Hamilton está na capa da nota de US $ 10 desde 1928. A fonte da gravura é o retrato de Hamilton de 1805 de John Trumbull, na coleção de retratos da Prefeitura de Nova York. [170] Em junho de 2015, o Tesouro dos EUA anunciou a decisão de substituir a gravura de Hamilton pela de uma mulher, no entanto, antes que o projeto fosse realmente redesenhado, a decisão foi alterada devido ao sucesso popular inesperado do musical da Broadway de 2015 Hamilton. [171]

O primeiro selo postal em homenagem a Hamilton foi emitido pelos Correios dos EUA em 1870. As retratos nas edições de 1870 e 1888 são da mesma matriz gravada, que foi modelada a partir de um busto de Hamilton pelo escultor italiano Giuseppe Ceracchi. [172] A edição de Hamilton 1870 foi o primeiro selo postal dos EUA a homenagear um secretário do Tesouro. A edição comemorativa de três centavos de vermelho, lançada no 200º aniversário do nascimento de Hamilton em 1957, inclui uma versão do edifício Federal Hall, localizado na cidade de Nova York. [173] Em 19 de março de 1956, o Serviço Postal dos Estados Unidos emitiu o selo postal Liberty Issue de $ 5 em homenagem a Hamilton. [174]

The Grange

The Grange é a única casa que Alexander Hamilton já possuiu. É uma mansão de estilo federal projetada por John McComb Jr. Foi construída na propriedade rural de 32 acres de Hamilton em Hamilton Heights, no alto Manhattan, e foi concluída em 1802. Hamilton chamou a casa de "The Grange" em homenagem ao espólio de seu avô Alexander em Ayrshire, Escócia. A casa permaneceu na família até 1833, quando sua viúva Eliza a vendeu para Thomas E. Davis, um incorporador imobiliário britânico, por US $ 25.000. [175] Parte dos lucros foi usada por Eliza para comprar uma nova casa de Davis em Greenwich Village (agora conhecida como Hamilton-Holly House, onde Eliza viveu até 1843 com seus filhos adultos Alexander e Eliza, e seus cônjuges). [175]

The Grange foi transferido de sua localização original em 1889 e foi transferido novamente em 2008 para um local no St. Nicholas Park em Hamilton Heights, em um terreno que antes fazia parte da propriedade de Hamilton. A estrutura histórica, agora designada como Memorial Nacional de Hamilton Grange, foi restaurada à sua aparência original de 1802 em 2011, [176] e é mantida pelo Serviço de Parques Nacionais. [177] [178] [179]

Faculdades e universidades

A Universidade de Columbia, alma mater de Hamilton, tem memoriais oficiais a Hamilton em seu campus na cidade de Nova York. O prédio principal da faculdade para as humanidades é o Hamilton Hall, e uma grande estátua de Hamilton fica em frente a ele. [180] [181] A imprensa universitária publicou suas obras completas em uma edição tipográfica de vários volumes. [182] O grupo de alunos da Universidade de Columbia para cadetes do ROTC e candidatos a oficiais da Marinha chama-se Alexander Hamilton Society. [183]

Hamilton serviu como um dos primeiros curadores da Academia Hamilton-Oneida em Clinton, Nova York, que foi rebatizada de Hamilton College em 1812, após receber uma carta constitutiva da faculdade. [184]

O edifício principal da administração da Coast Guard Academy em New London, Connecticut, é nomeado Hamilton Hall para comemorar a criação de Hamilton do United States Revenue Cutter Service, um dos serviços predecessores da Guarda Costeira dos Estados Unidos. [185]

Edifícios e arte pública

No local de nascimento de Hamilton em Charlestown, Nevis, o Museu Alexander Hamilton está localizado em Hamilton House, um edifício de estilo georgiano reconstruído sobre as fundações da casa onde acredita-se que Hamilton nasceu e viveu durante sua infância. [186] O segundo andar da Hamilton House hospeda os escritórios e local de reunião da legislatura da ilha, a Assembleia da Ilha de Nevis.

Em 1880, o filho de Hamilton, John Church Hamilton, contratou Carl Conrads para esculpir uma estátua de granito, agora localizada no Central Park, na cidade de Nova York. [187] [188]

Uma estátua de bronze de Hamilton, de Franklin Simmons, datada de 1905 a 1906, tem vista para as Great Falls do Passaic River no Paterson Great Falls National Historical Park, em Nova Jersey.

Em 1990, a Alfândega dos EUA na cidade de Nova York foi renomeada em homenagem a Hamilton. [189]

O Fort Hamilton do Exército dos EUA, no Brooklyn, leva o nome de Hamilton.

Em Washington, D.C., o terraço sul do Edifício do Tesouro apresenta uma estátua de Hamilton de James Earle Fraser, que foi inaugurada em 17 de maio de 1923. [190]

Em Chicago, uma estátua de quatro metros de altura de Hamilton pelo escultor John Angel foi fundida em 1939. [191] Não foi instalada no Lincoln Park até 1952, devido a problemas com um polêmico abrigo com colunas de 25 metros de altura projetado para ela e posteriormente demolido em 1993. [191] [192] A estátua permaneceu em exibição pública, e foi restaurada e regilded em 2016. [191]

Uma escultura de bronze de Hamilton intitulada The American Cape, de Kristen Visbal, foi apresentado no Journal Square no centro de Hamilton, Ohio, em outubro de 2004. [193]

Sites geográficos

Numerosas vilas e cidades americanas, incluindo Hamilton, Kansas, Hamilton, Missouri, Hamilton, Massachusetts e Hamilton, Ohio, foram nomeadas em homenagem a Alexander Hamilton. Em oito estados, os condados foram nomeados em homenagem a Hamilton: [194]

Na escravidão

Não se sabe que Hamilton jamais teve escravos, embora membros de sua família fossem proprietários de escravos. No momento de sua morte, a mãe de Hamilton possuía dois escravos chamados Christian e Ajax, e ela havia escrito um testamento deixando-os para seus filhos, no entanto, devido à sua ilegitimidade, Hamilton e seu irmão foram considerados inelegíveis para herdar sua propriedade, e nunca tomaram propriedade dos escravos. [195]: 17 Mais tarde, quando jovem em St. Croix, Hamilton trabalhou para uma empresa de comércio de mercadorias que incluía escravos. [195]: 17 Durante sua carreira, Hamilton ocasionalmente comprou ou vendeu escravos para outros como seus representantes legais, e um dos netos de Hamilton interpretou algumas dessas entradas de diário como sendo compras para si mesmo. [196] [197]

Na época da participação inicial de Hamilton na Revolução Americana, sua sensibilidade abolicionista havia se tornado evidente. Hamilton foi ativo durante a Revolução na tentativa de levantar tropas negras para o exército, com a promessa de liberdade. Nas décadas de 1780 e 1790, ele geralmente se opunha aos interesses sulistas pró-escravidão, que considerava hipócritas em relação aos valores da Revolução Americana. Em 1785, ele se juntou a seu associado John Jay na fundação da Sociedade de Nova York para a Promoção da Manumissão de Escravos e Proteção de Aqueles que Foram ou Podem Ser Libertados, a principal organização antiescravista de Nova York. A sociedade promoveu com sucesso a abolição do comércio internacional de escravos na cidade de Nova York e (logo após sua morte) aprovou uma lei estadual para acabar com a escravidão em Nova York por meio de um processo de emancipação de décadas, com o fim definitivo da escravidão no estado em 4 de julho de 1827. [195]

Em uma época em que a maioria dos líderes brancos duvidava da capacidade dos negros, Hamilton acreditava que a escravidão era moralmente errada e escreveu que "suas faculdades naturais são tão boas quanto as nossas". [198] Ao contrário de contemporâneos como Jefferson, que considerava a remoção de escravos libertos (para um território ocidental, nas Índias Ocidentais ou na África) essencial para qualquer plano de emancipação, Hamilton pressionou pela emancipação sem tais disposições. [195]: 22 Hamilton e outros federalistas apoiaram a revolução de Toussaint Louverture contra a França no Haiti, que se originou como uma revolta de escravos. [195]: 23 As sugestões de Hamilton ajudaram a moldar a constituição haitiana, e quando o Haiti se tornou a primeira nação negra independente do hemisfério ocidental em 1804, Hamilton defendeu laços econômicos e diplomáticos mais estreitos. [195]: 23

Na economia

Hamilton foi retratado como o "santo padroeiro" da Escola Americana de Filosofia Econômica que, de acordo com um historiador, dominou a política econômica após 1861. [199] & # 160 Ele apoiou firmemente a intervenção governamental em favor dos negócios, à maneira de Jean-Baptiste Colbert, já no outono de 1781. [1]: 170 [200] [201] & # 160 Hamilton se opôs às idéias britânicas de livre comércio, que ele acreditava distorcer os benefícios para as potências coloniais e imperiais, em favor de protecionismo, que ele acreditava que ajudaria a desenvolver a economia emergente da nação nascente. & # 160 Henry C. Carey foi inspirado por seus escritos. & # 160 Hamilton influenciou as idéias e o trabalho da Lista Friedrich alemã. [202] & # 160 Na visão de Hamilton, um executivo forte, ligado ao apoio do povo, poderia se tornar o eixo de uma república administrativa. [203] & # 160 O domínio da liderança executiva na formulação e execução de políticas foi essencial para resistir à deterioração do governo republicano. [204] & # 160 Ian Patrick Austin explorou as semelhanças entre as recomendações hamiltonianas e o desenvolvimento do Japão Meiji após 1860. [205]

Na cultura popular

Além da nota de $ 10, uma peça de 1917 e um filme de 1931, Hamilton não atraiu muita atenção na cultura popular americana [206] até o advento do musical de sucesso da Broadway de 2015 Hamilton. & # 160O musical, que traz música, letras e um livro de Lin-Manuel Miranda, é baseado na biografia de Ron Chernow. O Nova-iorquino chamou o show de "uma conquista de reimaginação histórica e cultural." [207] e # 160 A produção off-Broadway de Hamilton ganhou o Prêmio Drama Desk de 2015 de Melhor Musical, bem como sete outros prêmios Drama Desk. & # 160 Em 2016, Hamilton recebeu o Prêmio Pulitzer de Drama e um recorde de 16 indicações ao Tony, [208] ganhando 11 delas, incluindo Melhor Musical. [209]

Hamilton também apareceu como uma figura significativa em obras populares com foco em outras figuras políticas americanas de seu tempo. & # 160Ele é um personagem importante no romance histórico de Gore Vidal de 1973 Rebarba [210] [211] e em episódios da minissérie PBS de 1976 The Adams Chronicles. [212] Hamilton foi interpretado por Rufus Sewell em dois episódios de um novo retrato da vida de John Adams na TV, a minissérie da HBO em sete partes de 2008 John Adams com Paul Giamatti no papel-título. [213] Hamilton é um grande vilão na série de história alternativa libertária de L. Neil Smith, "North American Confederacy".


Alexander Hamilton & # 8217s Life

The Life of Alexander Hamilton A Research Paper Alexander Hamilton foi um dos pais fundadores da América. Ele ajudou a desenvolver o primeiro sistema financeiro na América, lutou na guerra revolucionária e até sua morte influenciou muitos dos pais fundadores na formação do país.

Ele lutou na guerra revolucionária e participou da política do país recém-formado. Apesar de tudo que ele conquistou em sua vida e do que deixou para trás, muitas pessoas sabem muito pouco sobre sua vida e suas influências. Quando Alexander Hamilton imigrou para as treze colônias em 1772, ele se viu no meio da agitação civil que o colono tinha em relação à Inglaterra. Durante os anos que antecederam a Guerra Revolucionária Americana, Hamilton escreveu muitos ensaios sobre a revolta e falou contra os Britânico. Seu envolvimento nos primeiros anos da revolução levou-o a se tornar capitão da Artilharia Provincial em 1776. Como capitão, foi designado para proteger Nova York.

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À medida que a guerra avançava, Hamilton tornou-se Aide de 'Camp com uma patente de tenente-coronel e, como falava francês e inglês, era o oficial de ligação de George Washington e os generais franceses que ajudavam o colono. Apesar de subir de posto e ansioso por ver a linha de frente, Alexander foi deixado de fora da luta física e fez mais trabalho de escritório. Só depois de 1781, Washington lhe deu o comando de um batalhão e permitiu que ele liderasse o ataque bem-sucedido em Yorktown. Depois que a guerra foi vencida, George Washington pediu a Hamilton para ser o primeiro tesoureiro de seu gabinete. Ao se tornar tesoureiro, ele imediatamente quis estabelecer um programa financeiro estável para os Estados Unidos. Em 14 de janeiro e 13 de dezembro de 1790, Hamilton apresentou os “Relatórios sobre Crédito público ”.

Nos relatórios, ele afirmava que o governo central deveria pagar as dívidas do estado contraídas durante a guerra revolucionária. Aos seus olhos, uma vez que todos os estados adquiriram dívidas como resultado da guerra, o governo deveria simplesmente pagá-las integralmente. mostraria o quão forte era o governo central no novo país. Em 14 de dezembro de 1790, Hamilton também apresentou o “Relatório sobre um Banco Nacional”. Nele, ele esboçou um plano bancário nacional chamado “Banco dos Estados Unidos”. Ele esperava que o governo fretasse o banco para regular a moeda.

Durante seu tempo no gabinete de Washington, Alexander Hamilton teve afiliações com vários partidos políticos e seus membros. No início, ele concordou com Washington que os partidos políticos não eram necessários no governo. Mesmo tendo inicialmente assumido essa posição, Hamilton passou a comandar o partido federalista. Depois que ele se tornou o chefe do partido federalista, muitas rixas começaram a estourar entre várias figuras políticas, incluindo Thomas Jefferson. A rixa de Jefferson e Hamilton começou vir à tona quando Hamilton começou a interferir nas políticas de Jefferson como secretário de estado.

A principal questão que surgiu entre os dois era se os Estados Unidos deveriam se envolver na Revolução Francesa. Jefferson, que favorecia muito os franceses, achava que o governo deveria fornecer assessoria aos franceses. Hamilton, entretanto, achou que a América não deveria se envolver de forma alguma e foi capaz de convencer Washington a declarar sua neutralidade. Em 31 de janeiro de 1795, Hamilton deixou o gabinete de Washington. Pouco antes de partir, ajudou Washington a redigir seu discurso de despedida.

Nos anos que se seguiram, ele continuaria a ajudar e aconselhar o novo presidente John Adams e os membros de seu gabinete, apesar de não fazer parte do próprio gabinete. Isso levou John Adams a começar a não gostar de Hamilton, por medo de sua influência sobre questões políticas. Como resultado, ele foi destituído de qualquer partidário de Hamilton e "espiões" de seu gabinete. Em retaliação sobre este assunto, Alexander trabalhou para impedir que Adams conseguisse reeleito que funcionou. Com Adams fora de cena, isso deixou espaço para Aaron Burr e Thomas Jefferson obterem o mesmo número de votos durante a eleição de 1800.

Hamilton garantiu a presidência de Jefferson sobre Burr, um movimento que irritou os outros membros do partido Federalista que favoreciam Burr. Depois disso, sua carreira com o Federalista estava essencialmente encerrada. Alguns anos antes da eleição, porém, Hamilton também sofreu outro golpe no fim da carreira. Em 1797, Alexander Hamilton publicou o panfleto Reynolds documentando seu caso com Maria Reynolds, que viria a ser conhecido como o primeiro escândalo sexual da América. para a publicação, ele começou um caso com a sra.

Reynolds, que então alegou que o marido a havia abandonado. Seu marido, James Reynolds, descobriu sobre a feira e chantageou Hamilton para pagá-lo para ficar quieto sobre o caso e deixá-lo continuar. Logo, muitas pessoas começaram a suspeitar de que Hamilton era tornando-se corrupto e extorquindo fundos federais. Hamilton publicou o panfleto para provar que ele não estava corrompido de forma alguma. Assim que foi publicado, sua reputação começou a azedar, o que só piorou durante as eleições de 1800.

Quando a eleição acabou, Aaron Burr começou a ter um ódio profundo por Alexander Hamilton. Ele ficou chateado por Hamilton ter apoiado a candidatura de Jefferson sobre sua candidatura. Apesar da derrota, ele mais tarde decidiu se candidatar a governador de Nova York. Neste ponto, Hamilton era tão ativamente contra Burr ter qualquer poder político que ele começou a tornar público sobre isso. Com Hamilton constantemente falando contra Burr, ele acabou não conseguindo o cargo.

Algum tempo depois de perder outra eleição, Aaron ouviu que Alexander ainda estava fazendo comentários negativos sobre ele. Isso levou Burr a desafiar Hamilton para um duelo em 11 de julho de 1804. que acabou sendo desafiado para um duelo. O duelo aconteceu em Weehawken, New Jersey. Embora existam muitos relatos diferentes sobre o que realmente aconteceu no terreno do duelo, Alexander Hamilton morreu com um tiro no estômago como resultado do conflito.

Ele deixou esposa e sete filhos. Alexander Hamilton havia conquistado tantas coisas em sua vida. Começando sua vida como um imigrante pobre, ele subiu acima de sua posição como uma das pessoas mais influentes da América. Ele dedicou muito de sua vida para servir e melhorar a América, que o país hoje como sabemos, seria completamente diferente se um jovem Alexander Hamilton tivesse escolhido não se envolver com a guerra e seu povo. Ele é realmente um dos maiores fundadores da América. Trabalhos citados .

Bonanos, Christopher. “Leia o Panfleto Reynolds Real de Hamilton, Página por Página Original.” Abutre. N.p.

, 13 de janeiro de 2016. Web. 25 de maio de 2016. Serratore, Angela. “Alexander Hamilton.

”Smithsonian. N.p., junho-julho de 2013. Web.

12 de maio de 2016. “Maria Reynolds.” PBS. PBS, n.d. Rede.

12 de maio de 2016. Cavendish, Richard. “Nascimento de Alexander Hamilton.” História hoje. N.p.

, WL. Rede. 16 de maio de 2016. “Major General Alexander Hamilton.” História dos Estados Unidos.

org. Independence Hall Association, n.d. Rede. 16 de maio de 2016. “Alexander Hamilton.

”Ushistory.org. Independence Hall Association, n.d. Rede.

16 de maio de 2016. “American Experience Alexander Hamilton.” PBS. PBS, n.d. Rede.

16 de maio de 2016. Editores da Biography.com. "Alexander Hamilton." Bio.com. A Networks Television, n.d. Rede. 16 de maio de 2016.

Equipe History.com. "Alexander Hamilton." History.com. A Television Networks, 01 de janeiro

2009. Web. 19 de maio de 2016. “Alexander Hamilton.” Alexander Hamilton.

19 de maio de 2016. “Plano Financeiro de Hamilton.” Ushistory.org. Independence Hall Association, n.d.

Rede. 19 de maio de 2016. DeConde, Alexander. "Alexander Hamilton." Enciclopédia Britânica Online.


Eliza tinha pedigree, dinheiro e status, enquanto Hamilton não tinha nenhum

As perspectivas da Hamilton & # x2019s eram muito menos promissoras. Ele nasceu c. 1755 na ilha de Nevis, nas Índias Ocidentais Britânicas. Sua mãe, Rachel Faucette, nascera ali, filha de pais huguenotes ingleses e franceses. Ele nasceu fora do casamento, um status que seus oponentes políticos conquistariam mais tarde. Como sua mãe nunca se divorciou do primeiro marido, o pai de Hamilton, James, abandonou a família, provavelmente para evitar que Rachel fosse acusada de bigamia. Mãe solteira, Rachel lutou para sustentar Alexander e seu irmão antes de morrer em 1768, deixando-o órfão.

Mas, embora Hamilton tivesse uma origem pobre, ele tinha duas características principais que o ajudariam a impulsioná-lo para o topo em inteligência e ambição. Ele encontrou trabalho em uma empresa local de importação e exportação, onde rapidamente impressionou seus chefes. Um leitor ao longo da vida que foi em grande parte autodidata, ele logo mudou seus olhos para muito além de sua pequena casa na ilha. Em 1772, depois de escrever um poderoso ensaio descrevendo a devastação infligida a Nevis por um furacão recente, um grupo de empresários locais fez uma coleta para enviar o jovem Hamilton à América para continuar seus estudos.


Vida familiar

Alexander se casou com Elizabeth Schuyler, filha do proeminente general e político de Nova York Phillip Schuyler. Apesar do infame caso extraconjugal de Alexander, Elizabeth continuou a apoiar seu marido. Ela sobreviveu a ele por mais de 50 anos e defendeu incansavelmente sua inclusão nos anais da história americana.

Os historiadores também notaram que Alexandre era próximo de muitos irmãos de Elizabeth, especialmente Angélica (com quem ele havia rumores de ter tido um caso) e Margaret & # 8220Peggy. & # 8221 Angélica desempenha um grande papel no Hamilton musical, que toma algumas liberdades criativas com sua linha do tempo. (Ao contrário do musical, Angélica já havia se casado com John Barker Church quando conheceu Alexander.)


Alexander Hamilton, americano e duelo

No Monte Rushmore de nossa memória coletiva, os rostos de muitos dos fundadores da nação assomam como grandes arquétipos envelhecidos - homens de granito imutáveis ​​que moldaram a Revolução Americana e a nova república. Na realidade, é claro, esses indivíduos eram complicados e às vezes menos do que admiráveis. Gore Vidal, em seu romance Rebarba, notoriamente capitalizou o valor de choque de retratá-los como políticos de carne e osso. Ele os trouxe à vida como figuras que seriam familiares a qualquer repórter estadual moderno em, digamos, Harrisburg, Pensilvânia, ou Little Rock, Arkansas. & # 13

Se Vidal parodiou um pouco nossos estimados fundadores, bem, ele provavelmente estava mais perto da verdade do que as versões mais familiares deles como olímpicos que temporariamente nos agraciaram com sua presença e cujas declarações deveriam ser vistas como um guia permanente para o futuro.

Os líderes políticos nos últimos 200 anos não foram tímidos em se apropriar, reinterpretar e mesmo reinventar aspectos do pensamento dos fundadores. Suas ideias, como a própria Constituição, foram adaptadas para atender às necessidades de cada geração subsequente e de quase todas as ideologias da política americana. We hold our founders up to the light of contemporary conditions and, all too often, see what we want to see. To be fair, I should note that some of the central figures of this period lend themselves to differing interpretations. Madison, for example, wavered from founding Federalist to rabid anti-Federalist before settling on the latter. Modern politicians have needed only a knack for selectivity to be able to make the claim that their arguments are firmly grounded in the principles of a founder.

For most of our history, when the authority of a founder was sought, Alexander Hamilton was a second stringer, brought in only when members of the first team, such as George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, James Madison, John Adams, and John Marshall, were worn out from over-use. No Alexander Hamilton, American, Richard Brookhiser makes a persuasive case that Hamilton, in fact, deserves a place on the all-star team of national memory. Thomas Fleming's treatment, Duel: Alexander Hamilton, Aaron Burr, and the Future of America, while telling a considerably broader story, also confirms the significance of Hamilton.

Brookhiser gives us a sense of the extent to which Hamilton's imprints on the early republic are everywhere. His remarkable rise from West Indies apprentice and son of a single mother to wartime aide to George Washington and secretary of the treasury is itself a peculiarly American story. His central role with Madison in drafting the Federalist Papers and fighting for ratification of the Constitution is probably the best-known part of his career. Still, as treasury secretary, he showed even greater foresight and originality.

Although Hamilton had great suppleness of mind--he was perhaps the best lawyer in America at the time of his death--his views were remarkably consistent and coherent. He had a clear vision of the new nation and believed that it could learn much from British economic policy and governmental practice. That attraction to things British was abhorrent to many of his contemporaries, notably Jefferson and Madison.

Ironically, what set Hamilton on an ultimately fatal collision course with Aaron Burr was his effort on behalf of his great enemy Jefferson in 1800. With the electoral college tied between Democratic-Republican presidential candidate Jefferson and vice presidential candidate Burr, the question of who would assume the presidency was very much in the air. Party politics was in its infancy when Burr was widely believed to be attempting to convince Federalist electors that throwing their support to him would be infinitely preferable to four years of the thoroughly anti-Federalist sage of Monticello. Hamilton, then a giant among Federalists, mounted a spirited and successful inside game to deny Burr the presidency.

Jefferson, of course, never forgave Burr and, rather ungenerously, never stopped hating Hamilton. Later, in 1804, after four years of machinations as vice president, Burr was grasping at straws to save his political career and went to Jefferson for help. Knowing that he would not be selected for vice president by Jefferson a second time, he sought in vain to obtain a presidential promise of office--his eye was particularly on either the ambassadorship to France or the one to England. But Jefferson would have none of it, and the frustrated Burr turned to his fallback: a race for governor of New York, a move that led a few years later to the crucial meeting on the "field of honor" with Hamilton.

While the Burr-Hamilton feud resulted in the latter's death, the same bullet also ended, in a sense, the former vice president's career. True, Burr lived on until 1836, but his falling out with Jefferson, the duel, and his subsequent flirtation with an independent "empire" in the West meant that he never again played in the upper echelons of American power. And although Hamilton was lionized at death, the long Virginia dynasty of his enemies--Jefferson, Madison, and Monroe--ensured that he too, at least for a time, would be remembered as an opponent of democracy rather than as a martyr to principle.

But in the long run, it was Hamiltonism that turned out to be the wave of the future. Free trade, a national banking system, a constructively deployed national debt, a strong military, publicly sponsored economic development programs, and other elements of his program are, in fact, the pillars on which the modern nation stands. Even his fondness for the British turned out to anticipate the "special relationship" between the two nations that has been a centerpiece of American foreign policy for generations.

Brookhiser's account is lively, with plenty of detail about Hamilton's wartime exploits, the sex scandal that threatened to engulf him, and the machinations of Jefferson, former friend Madison, and Monroe that helped to finish off his chances for public office. Although Brookhiser is a Revisão Nacional conservative, he doesn't wear his ideological heart on his sleeve in this book. Fleming's Duel is likewise free of heavy-handed messages, at least beyond the moral that American politics has never been for the faint of heart.

While their stories are anything but new, both Brookhiser and Fleming manage to bring their historical figures to life as humans in the round without sacrificing authenticity or accuracy. The story of the early years of the United States needs this kind of fleshing out with real people. Some of the important decisions of the era reflect the deep personal animosities as well as loyalties among those in the political class. In other words, government policies then, as now, did not exist in isolation from the personalities battling for power and reputation. One can easily go too far in this direction--certainly that is the case with contemporary political reporting. In the end, it's the policies that matter. They endure in a way that is more significant than all the fanciful anecdotes about cherry trees and real accounts of duels to the death. While it may be true that Burr and Hamilton were doing no more than what many politicians would do to their enemies, the law and culture permitting, that does not change the fact that they also were establishing a foundation of laws and tradition that has had a lasting impact on our nation. Clearly, Hamilton is a giant in that respect while Burr is merely a minor player in the policy drama.

Brookhiser and Fleming provide accounts of this key period that are accessible to nonspecialists. Readers who find their appetites whetted by these books can find more in-depth coverage in the recent work of first-rate historians like Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick (The Age of Federalism) and Lance Banning (The Sacred Fire of Liberty).

eun the end, these books remind us that the founders were a special crowd, for all their foibles. Like the best and brightest of any age, these men tell us a lot about their time. And because they cast such long shadows, they reveal a good deal about our own era. These days, Jefferson, Madison, and Hamilton are particularly in play in policy debates. And even Washington, thanks to several new biographies, may be poised to make a comeback to relevance. Those who make political arguments today based on precedents that are two centuries old almost invariably overlook the bitter differences among the founders. They quote them selectively, applying their wisdom inappropriately to contemporary issues that these sages of the eighteenth century could not have imagined.

One of the legends about another Alexander, Alexander the Great, is that his lieutenants, all vying to succeed him, struggled over who would get possession of his body. Something similar happens with the body of work left behind by our founding leaders. Since the struggle for patrimony is sure to continue, it's worth remembering that Alexander Hamilton, the remarkable immigrant son of an unmarried mother, has every right to be considered one of the true fathers of modern America.


When Hamilton's mother died, she left two slave boys to him in his inheritance.

Hamilton was only 12 years old when his mother died and left him orphaned. She gave him the remainder of her property, including two young slaves named Christian and Ajax, according to an article by James Oliver Horton, professor of American Studies and History at George Washington University, in The New York Journal of American History. But, because Hamilton and his brother James Jr. were both illegitimate children, they did not receive their inheritance. The court determined they had no right of inheritance, and awarded her estate to her legitimate son and a cousin, according to Chernow's account O guardião relatado.

Hamilton grew up amidst slavery on the Caribbean island of St. Croix and described the brutality of what he saw, per research from Columbia University. However, Hamilton later took over operations of the entire St. Croix branch of Beekman & Cruger, an import-export business that engaged in the African slave trade and sugar. At a young age, Hamilton participated indirectly in buying and selling human beings, per the The New York Journal of American History.


Hamilton, Alexander

Alexander Hamilton, as a lawyer, politician, and statesman, left an enduring impression on U.S. government. His birth was humble, his death tragic. His professional life was spent forming basic political and economic institutions for a stronger nation. As a New York delegate at the Constitutional Convention, Hamilton advocated certain powers for the central government. His principles led to his rise as chief spokesperson for the Federalist Party. The party had a short life span, but Hamilton's beliefs carried on through his famous federalist papers. In these documents he advocated broad constitutional powers for the federal government, including national defense and finance. According to Hamilton, a lesser degree of individual human liberties and Civil Rights would follow federal powers. His deemphasis of freedom put him at odds with other Founders, especially Thomas Jefferson's Democrats. However, he backed his beliefs with a strong record of public service from the Revolution onward. Through his contributions in the U.S. Army, in the Treasury Department, and as a lawyer, many still recognize him as a commanding architect of the United States government.

Hamilton was born January 11, 1757, on Nevis Island, in the West Indies. His parents never married. His father, the son of a minor Scottish noble, drifted to the West Indies early in his life and worked odd jobs throughout the Caribbean. His mother died in the Indies when he was eleven. Hamilton spent his early years in poverty, traveling to different islands with his father. At the age of fourteen, while visiting the island of St. Croix, he met a New York trader who recognized his natural intelligence and feisty spirit. The trader made it possible for Hamilton to go to New York in pursuit of an education.

Hamilton attended a preparatory school in New Jersey and developed contacts with men who had created a movement seeking colonial independence. When he later entered King's College (now Columbia University), he became active in the local patriot movement. The American Revolution had been brewing in the background, and Hamilton took a keen interest in the battles that flared between the colonists and the British around Boston in 1775. Instead of graduating from college, he opted to join a volunteer militia company.

He reported for orders to General George Washington's chief of artillery, Colonel Henry Knox. In his duties, Hamilton assisted in the famous crossing of the ice-jammed Delaware River on Christmas Night, 1776. Knox called Hamilton to Washington's attention. In March 1777, Hamilton was appointed aide to the commander in chief. With Washington, Hamilton learned his first lessons on the need for central administration in dealing with crises.

He also took advantage of his contacts with General Philip Schuyler, a wealthy and influential man within the military. In March 1780, Schuyler's young daughter, Elizabeth Schuyler, agreed to marry Hamilton. The relationship provided Hamilton with both additional contacts inside U.S. politics and generous financial gifts from his father-in-law.

"R eal liberty is neither found in despotism or the extremes of democracy, but in moderate governments ."
𠅊 lexander H amilton

Hamilton came to resent the limits of his position as aide to Washington and aspired to greater challenges. A minor reprimand afforded him the opportunity to resign from his services in April 1781. Hamilton had already received an education beyond anything that King's or any other college could have offered. However, he went to New York with his wife and took up the study of law in early 1782. In July of that year, he was admitted to the bar.

As a lawyer and as an intellectual who commanded growing respect, Hamilton represented New York in the Continental Congress of 1782, in Philadelphia. Here, he spoke with an ally, a young Virginian, James Madison.The two expounded on the merits of strong central administration. Most of the other delegates represented the common fears of citizens in the United States𠅊pprehensions about the abusive tendencies of strong central powers and, more important, the possibility of oppression in the future. Hamilton and Madison failed to sway a majority of the delegates to vote for their ideas. In the end, the Congress adopted the Articles of Confederation, a body of principles intended to knit the new states into a union that was only loosely defined.

Hamilton left Philadelphia frustrated. He returned to New York, built a thriving law practice, and gained fame as a legal theorist. In 1787, he spent a term in the New York Legislature and joined the movement designed to create a new Constitution. During this time, Madison and John Jay𠅊 future chief justice on the U.S. Supreme Court—helped Hamilton draft a series of essays called The Federalist Papers. The essays stand as fundamental statements of U.S. political philosophy.

The Articles of Confederation had already begun to show inadequacies, as the federal government had no real power to collect the money necessary for its own defense. Os autores de The Federalist Papers argued that a strong federal government would constitute not a tyranny but an improvement over the current system of relatively weak rule. Their arguments helped allay the commonly held fears about central power.

At the 1787 Constitutional Convention in Philadelphia, Hamilton again served as a delegate from New York. This time, his ideas were received with more favor. In the drafting of the new Constitution, and the creation of a more effective government, many of Hamilton's Federalist beliefs came into play. In the area of defense, for example, Article I, Section 8, of the Constitution read, "The Congress shall have Power … To raise and support Armies … To provide and maintain a Navy … To provide for organizing, arming, and disciplining, the Militia." The role of the government in raising finances to do these things would put Hamilton's ideas to the test.

Hamilton took on the test personally. In 1789, when President Washington began to assemble the new federal government, he asked Hamilton to become the nation's first secretary of the treasury. For the following six years, Hamilton developed a fiscal and economic system based on a national coinage, a national banking system, a revenue program to provide for the repayment of the national debt, and measures to encourage industrial and commercial development. He sought a vigorous, diversified economy that would also provide the nation with the means to defend itself. He stirred a considerable amount of controversy with certain proposals, such as the need for tariffs on imports, several kinds of excise taxes, the development of natural resources, a friendship with England, and opposition to France during the French Revolution. However, without such a concrete agenda, many historians have argued, the United States could not have survived its years of initial development.

Because of Hamilton's decisive stance on some issues, a split occurred between, and even within, political parties. Hamilton and John Adams spoke the ideas of the Federalists. Madison joined Jefferson in the Democratic-Republican Party. Even though Hamilton had previously worked alongside Secretary of State Jefferson, the two were now, as Washington noted, "daily pitted in the cabinet like two cocks." Hamilton stressed the need for a strong central government, while Jefferson emphasized individuals' rights. Their rivalry, among the most famous political clashes in U.S. history, led to a significant and ongoing level of frustration for both sides. Because of the deadlock, Hamilton retired from his secretarial position in 1795 and returned to the practice of law.

Through his service in government and his connections with the Schuyler family, Hamilton became a prominent and prosperous lawyer. His practice extended to wealthy clients in New York and in other states, both individuals and partnerships. It resembled the practices of modern corporate lawyers, since he also represented banks and companies.

The bulk of his civil practice took place in maritime litigation, which boomed with European interests in the U.S. market. His most important admiralty case involved the sale and export to Europe of large quantities of cotton and indigo. Defendants Gouveneur and Kemble had incurred damages to the head merchant in their trade, Le Guen. Hamilton took on the case as attorney for Le Guen. He was assisted by Aaron Burr, with whom he had worked in New York.

No Le Guen v. Gouveneur, Hamilton helped the merchant successfully sue his agents for $120,000𠅊t the time, one of the largest awards in a personal damage suit. James Kent, chancellor of the New York bar, remembered Hamilton's performance in the trial as displaying "his reasoning powers … his piercing criticism, his masterly analysis, and … his appeals to the judgment and conscience of the tribunal." A grateful Le Guen wanted to pay Hamilton a fee commensurate with the size of the judgment. Hamilton refused anything more than $1,500. Burr took a much larger fee at his own discretion. This was the beginning of strained developments between Hamilton and Burr that would result in a future, climactic confrontation.

As a private citizen, Hamilton had amassed considerable power. In letters to politicians and newspapers, he continued to make a number of government-related proposals. At least four of them figured into future developments in the U.S. political structure. First, he suggested dividing each state into judicial districts as subdivisions of the federal government's judicial branch. Second, he proposed consolidating the federal government's revenues, ships, troops, officers, and supplies as assets under its control. Third, he pushed for the enlargement of the legal powers of the government by making certain already existing laws permanent, particularly the law authorizing the government to summon militias to counteract subversive activities and insurrections. Finally, he proposed the addition of laws that would give the courts power to punish Sedition. Through letters to leaders and citizens, as through his Artigos Federalistas, Hamilton's ideas were received, although not always easily, into the political mainstream.

In 1798 the United States prepared for war with France. Hamilton decided to rejoin the Army as a major general. He was assigned the additional duties of inspector general until 1800. In 1800, Jefferson campaigned for president with Hamilton's former partner in the Le Guen settlement, Burr, as his running mate. The two received identical numbers of electoral votes for the 1800 presidential election. At that time all candidates ran for the presidency. The winner became president and the individual in second place became vice president. Hamilton, an elector for New York, refused to go along with the Federalists' plans to deny Jefferson the presidency. Hamilton voted for Jefferson instead of Burr, partly because he could stand Burr even less than his ideological rival. Jefferson won the election.

In 1804, Burr ran for governor of New York and became embittered by more of Hamilton's insults during the campaign. When Burr lost again, he challenged Hamilton to a duel. On July 11, 1804, the two men met at Weehawken Heights, New Jersey. Hamilton received a mortal wound from Burr's pistol shot, and died in New York City the next day.

As the United States evolved in political, legal, and economic dimensions, Hamilton's contributions remained part of its basic structure. His legacy went on to affect the way the rest of the world interpreted the proper role of government. Numerous political experiments took place in the following centuries, but still, Hamilton's notions of a strong central government made other systems appear weak in comparison. In a letter to the Washington Post on January 28, 1991, biographer Robert A. Hendrickson asserted that Hamilton's doctrine lives up to its model status as "a beacon of freedom and financial success in the modern world. It has peacefully discredited agrarianism, Communism,and totalitarianism."

Leituras adicionais

Brookhiser, Richard. 1999. Alexander Hamilton, American. Nova York: Free Press.

Chernow, Ron. 2004. Alexander Hamilton. New York: Penguin Press.

Cooke, Jacob Ernest. 1982. Alexander Hamilton. New York: Scribner.

Emery, Noemie. 1982. Alexander Hamilton: An Intimate Portrait. New York: Putnam.

Epstein, David F. 1984. The Political Theory of the Federalist. Chicago: Univ. of Chicago Press.

Flaumenhaft, Harvey. 1992. The Effective Republic, Administration and Constitution in the Thought of Alexander Hamilton. Durham, N.C .: Duke Univ. Pressione.

Randall, Willard Sterne. 2003. Alexander Hamilton: A Life. Nova York: HarperCollins.


Hamilton watches 'Hamilton'

When the beginning instrumentals played, Kaitlen sang along to it.

Ah, Mister secretário

Mister Burr, sir

Didja hear about good old General Mercer?

You know Clermont Street?

They renamed it after him

"That happened to a lot of streets, you would not believe how many Lafayette Streets there are in the states. There's even towns in the US named Lafayette." Max says. The Frenchman smiles happily.

"Don't forget about the town in Washington called Hamilton." Anna adds in. Max nods.

The Mercer legacy is secure

"Again with legacy, come on." Aaron complained a bit.

"Shhhhhhh." Kaitlen, Gracen, Alexander, Hercules, Lafayette, and King George tells him.

And all he had to do was die

That's a lot less work

We oughta give it a try

"Too soon." Kaitlen says while shaking her head.

Now how're you gonna get your debt plan through?

I guess I'm gonna fin'ly have to listen to you

"Talk less. Smile more."

"So far, you are sucking at being Aaron, Alex." John says while chuckling. Alexander chuckles a bit.

Do whatever it takes to get my plan on the Congress floor

"Would you give than just the capital to those in Congress who are opposed to your debt plan?" Max asks. Alexander looks at him confused.

Now, Madison and Jefferson are merciless

"We are not!" the two Southerners say at the same time.

Well, hate the sin, not the sinner

"Are you implying something?" John asks Alexander. Everyone looks at him.

"That line is probably a reference to the previous song." Alexander says quietly.

I'm sorry Burr, I've gotta go

Decisions are happening over dinner

Kaitlen raises an eyebrow at Alexander, Thomas, and James.

"Oh nothing." Kaitlen tells them.

Two Virginians and an immigrant walk into a room

"That sounds like the start of a really bad joke." Anna points out. Everyone nods in agreement.

"Lin must have been told a bad joke while writing this song." Kaitlen says.

Diametric'ly opposed, foes

"Only politically." Alexander says. Thomas and James nods.

They emerge with a compromise, having open door that were

Previously closed

"Awwww, they're bros." Gracen gushes. Kaitlen chuckles.

The immigrant emerges with unprecedented financial power, a financial system he can shape however he wants. The Virginians emerge with the nation's capital

"One of these things hold greater power than the other." Anna says. Alexander, Aaron, Thomas, James, and George W. nodded their heads.

"How did you get them to agree to give you your debt plan? It's too OP." Gracen asks Alexander.

"OP?" Alexander then asks confused.

"Oh, um, well to answer your question Gracen, I'm excellent at persuasion." Alexander said.

"Be begged on his knees for an hour, he was desperate." Thomas tells them.

"Thomas, I thought we agreed to never speak of it?" Alexander asked a little hurt.

"Sorry." he told Alexander, Alexander just pouts.

And here's the pièce de résistance:

No one else was in the room where it happened, the room where it happened, the room where it happened. No one else was in the room where it happened (the room where it happened), the room where it happened, the room where it happened (the room where it happened).

"This is mostly Aaron condensed song." John asked.

"Yes, since well no one really knows what went down behind the closed doors of the Compromise of 1790, except Alex, Thomas, and James, so Lin wrote the song in perspective of someone who wasn't a participant, Aaron." Kaitlen answers.

No one really know how the game is played (game is played), the art of trade, how the sausage gets made (how the sausage gets made)

Gracen start giggling like the immature child that he is at that line.

We just assume that it happens (assume that it happens). But no one else was in the room where it happens (the room where it happens)

Thomas claims:

Alexander was on Washington's doorstep one day in distress and disarray

"I'm not claiming anything, that's true, I was visiting Washingdad when an over worked and exhausted Alex showed up." Thomas says.

"You really do need to take care of yourself son" George W. tells Alexander.

"But I had get me debt plan through to Congress or else I would have lost my job." Alexander countered.

"Alexander, mon ami, don't argue with your father." Lafayette tell him.

Thomas claims:

Alexander said

I have nowhere else to turn!

And basic'ly bag me to join the fray

"And there's the incorrect self entitled portal of me again." Thomas says with a sigh. John pats Thomas's shoulder.

"There, there." he says. Thomas smiles a bit.

"Besides, I made him and Alex settle their political differences for a moment so that they come up with a compromise." George W. says.

"So like, you put them in time out?" Kaitlen asks.

"If that's what you want to call it." George W. answers. Kaitlen starts laughing at the thought of Alexander and Thomas in time out.

Thomas claims:

I approached Madison and said, "I know you hate 'im,

"I don't hate Alexander, a little mad at him, but all is forgiven and he is my friend." James says.

"Aww, you're my friend too." Alexander tells him.

But let's hear what he has to say."

Thomas claims:

I arranged the meeting, I arranged the menu, the venue, the seating

"How do you arrange seating for three people?" Gracen asked?

"Surprisingly enough, it's actually really hard." Thomas says.

"Thomas just served us his favorite French meal" James says.

"I thought I was going to die from eating so much cheesy pasta." Alexander said.

But! No one else was in

The room where it happened, the room where it happened, the room where it happened

No one else was in

The room where it happened, the room where it happened, the room where it happened

"Okay, the repetition in this song in particular is really annoying." King George III complained.

"Shhhhhh." Kaitlen, Alexander, Aaron, John, Thomas, James, Lafayette, Herc, Gracen, and Anna tells him.

No one really knows how the parties get to yes (parties get to yes) the pieces that are sacrificed in ev'ry game of chess (ev'ry game of chess) we just assume that it happens (assume that it happens) but no one else was in the room were it happens (the room where it happens)

Madison is grappling with the fact that not every issue can be settled by committee

"Though life would be a bit easier if it was." James said.

Congress is fighting over where to put the capital

Everyone jumped a bit at ensembles yelling on stage.

"That is very accurate." Thomas says. Alexander, George W., Aaron, and James nods.

It isn't pretty, then Jefferson approaches with a dinner and invite and Madison responds with some Virginian insight:

Maybe we can solve one problem with another and win a victory for the Southerners, in other words

"This makes me sound like plotting mastermind." James says softly. Thomas reaches over and holds James's hand.

A quid pro quo

Wouldn't you like to work a little closer to home?

Actually, I would

Well, I propose the Potomac

And you'll provide him his votes?

Well, we'll see how it goes

. one else was in the room where it happened

"That was clever transition." Alexander and Aaron said at the same time.

"Yeah, I know." Kaitlen said excitedly.

The room where it happened, the room where it happened. No one else was in the room where it happened, the room where it happened, the room where it happened

In God we trust, but we'll never really know what got discussed, click-boom then it happened

"That gave me shivers a bit." Lafayette said.

And no one else was in the room where is happened

Alexander Hamilton!

What did they say to you to get you to sell New York City down the river?

"Nothing, I begged them to give me the votes, I may have cried a bit, they agreed on the term that the capital is close to Virginia." Alexander tells Aaron.

Alexander Hamilton!

Did Washington know about the dinner? Was there Presidential pressure to deliver?

Alexander Hamilton!

Or did you know, even then, it doesn't matter where you put the U.S. capital?

'Cause we'll have the banks, we're in the same spot

You got more than you gave

"That's an understatement." Thomas and James said.

All I wanted what I got, when you got skin in the game you stay in the game, but you don't get win unless you're playing the game, oh, you get love for it, you get hate for it, you get nothing if you.

Wait for it, wait for it, wait for it

"A punch to gut via lyrics from Aaron's own song." John says.

God help and forgive me I wanna build something that's gonna outlive me

"And the financial system that we have is still going strong, so you did build something that outlived you." Max tells Alexander. He smiles happily.

What do you want, Burr? (What do you want, Burr?) What do you want, Burr? (What do you want, Burr?) If you stand for nothing (what do want, Burr?) Burr, then what do you stand for? (What do you want Burr?)

I, I want to be in the room where it happens, the room where it happens

"Welp, there's the answer to that question." John says.

"Though, I could've done without being ganged up on by Alex, Thomas, Madison, Washington, and the entire ensemble." Aaron says.

I, I want to be in the room where it happens

I (I wanna be in the room where it happens) wanna be (the room where is happens) in the room where it happens (the room where it happens)

"That sounds cool." John said. Samuel nods his head.

I (I wanna be in the room where it happens) I wanna be in to room. (The room where it happens) oh (the room where it happens) oh (I wanna be in the room where it happens) I wanna be (where it happens) I wanna be (where it happens) I got to be, I got to be (I wanna be in the room where it happens) in the room (the room where it happens) the bid ol' room (the room where it happens)

The art of compromise

Hold your nose and close your eyes

Kaitlen plugged her nose and closed her eyes. Everyone around her chuckled.

We want our leaders to save the day

But we don't get a say in what they trade away

We dream of a brand new start

"Now I'm on the table." Aaron says with a sigh.

"Alexander, Aaron, and Lafayette, the table trio." Kaitlen and Gracen both say at the same time.

But we dream in the dark for the most part

Dark as a tomb where is happens

"Whoa! That was cool, how did they time that so well?" Samuel asks amazed by Aaron's actor jumping at the right moment for an ensemble member to remove the table cloth.

I've got to be in the room. (The room where it happens) I've got to be. (The room where it happens) I've got to be. (The room where in happens) oh, I've got to be in the room where it happens. (The room where it happens) I've got to be, I've gotta be (the room where it happens) I've gotta be in the room (I wanna be in the room where it happens) click-boom! (Click-boom!)


Hamilton watches 'Hamilton'

"Okay Thomas, James Madison, and Aaron weren't the ones who confronted me, That was James Monroe, Fredrick Muhlenberg, and Abraham Venable." Alexander says.

"I found out through Monroe while we were having a few drinks." Thomas says.

We have the check stubs from separate accounts

Almost a thousand dollars paid in different amounts

To a Mr. James Reynolds

"Fucking James Reynolds, two things, one I found out the man is a con artist and two, he blackmailed me into paying him." Alexander stated.

"Hey, you're the idiot who slept with his wife while being married." Samantha tells him. Alexander sighs.

"Don't forget he also slept with a married man." Max says before looking straight at John.

"You're never going to let us forget that are you?" John and Alexander asked.

Way back in seventeen ninety-one

Is that it? Are you done?

"Never!" Kaitlen tells Alexander before proceeding to do an evil laugh.

You are uniquely situated by virtue of your position

Though virtue is not a word I'd apply to this situation

"The switch of were virtue and situate are place to change the meaning, well done." Thomas says.

To seek financial gain, to stray from your sacred mission

And the evidence suggests you've engaged in speculation

An immigrant embezzling our government funds

"I didn't do that, I paid of Reynolds with my own money, which left me in a whole lot of debt." Alexander states.

"To which you left your family with when you died at after your duel with Aaron." Max tells him.

I can almost see the headlines, your career is done

"I love you guys too." Alexander says sarcastically.

"Awww, you love us?" Thomas asked while batting his eyelashes.

"Hey, back off he's mine." John tells him. Kaitlen chuckled a bit that John would defend his place as Alexander's boyfriend.

I hope you saved some money for your daughter and sons

"Wow, you just had to hit where it hurt Aaron, huh?" Alexander asked while shaking his head in playful tune.

"That wasn't me, that's the actor playing me." Aaron said trying to defend himself.

"For shame." Samuel tells him.

"How many kids did you have at that point?" John asked.

"Five, Phillip, Angelica, Alexander Jr, James, and John." Alexander answered.

"Yes and then your son John and child to which he named Laurens." Max states.

"Wait, didn't John Hamilton even have a that he after both his mother and chick Alex slept with?" Gracen asked.

"Wow." John and Alexander both said.

You best g'wan run back where you come from

"Deportation!" Kaitlen says. The men from past looks at her confused.

Ha, you don't even what you're asking me to confess

"Bullshit!" Kaitlen and Gracen both say.

"Confess, man. Confess!" Gracen tells Alexander in his best fake British accent.

"I confess." Anna says while getting out of her seat and starts praying.

"Not you!" Gracen tells her. This interaction made the men from the past even more confused.

You have nothing, I don't to tell you anything at all

"Plead the 5th, smart." Max says.

"Hey." Alexander says while pouting.

"This is a reference to a podcast called My Brother, My Brother and me." Kaitlen tells the men from the past.

If I can prove that I never broke that law? Do you promise not to tell another soul what you saw?

"Not like it's gonna matter because you're going to write about it and publish it two songs later." Kaitlen says.

No one else was in the room where it happened

"Hey that's from a few songs ago." Thomas pointed out.

"Yup, this is a motif that Aaron will use a bit later in the show." Kaitlen tells him.

Is that a yes?

Everyone watched as Alexander's actor takes a folded piece of paper of from the draw of a set piece and handed it to Aaron's actor.

"Did you have the letter Reynolds wrote you in your office?" James asked him.

"Yeah." Alexander answered. George W. pinched the bridge of his nose and shook his head.

Dear Sir, I hope this letter finds you in good health and in a prosperous position to put wealth in the pocket of people like me, down on their luck, you see, that was my wife who you decided to

There were chuckles in the audience, even from the men from the past, but Kaitlen knew meaning of why Aaron was the one reading it. Why must there be so many foreshadowing and lead up to the tragic end.

"Yes, she's just currently preparing herself for the end of the show." Samantha answered.

She courted, escorted me to bed, and when she had me in a corner

"You are partly to blame for that." Samantha tells him. Alexander nods.

"Everything with Maria Reynolds was a huge mistake." Alexander states.

"I'm glad you've learned that, son." George W. tells him. Alexander smiles at the closest thing to a real dad he'll ever have.

That's when Reynolds extorted me for sordid fee, I paid me quarterly, I may have mortally wounded my prospects,

"Meaning, he paid Reynolds with his own money, not the government's money, and he now has debt." Max says.

But my papers are orderly, as you can see I've kept a record of every check in my checkered history, check it again against your list and see consistency

"Yeah." Kaitlen said while smiling.

I haven't spent a cent that wasn't mine, you sent the dogs after my scent, that's fine

"No it's not, you go a little bit legacy crazy after this." Gracen says.

"You mean more than he already is?" Aaron asked. To which made Gracen laugh.

Yes, I have reasons for shame

"Alex, sweetie, the list for those reasons is too long." Kaitlen tells him.

"I didn't do that much." Alexander said defensively. Everyone looked at him in disbelief.

But I have not committed treason and sullied my good name

"You had an affair, wrote about it in great detail, and published it, you sullied your name and made yourself look like a jackass." Samantha tell Alexander.

As you can see I have done nothing to provoke legal action, are my answers to you satisfaction?

"That is the only appropriate response." Samantha states.

Gentlemen, let's go

The people won't know what we know

"Trust worthy, and you doubted them." Gracen teased Alexander. Alexander rolled his eyes.

Burr, how did I know you won't use this against me the next time we go toe to toe?

Alexander, rumors only grow and we both know what we know


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